Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree Doctor of Technology: Public Management (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / While children used as soldiers are primarily perceived as victims under internal human rights law and international humanitarian rights law, they also commit war atrocities. In the aftermath of war, the mainstream justice system internationally targets warlords, who abduct and enrol children as combatants, leaving child perpetrators without accounting for their gross, human rights violations. Attempts to prosecute child soldiers through the mainstream justice system have resulted in child rights abuses. Where no accountability measures have been taken, former child soldiers have experienced rejection by their communities. Eventually, some have returned to armed conflict. In other contexts, locally based restorative transitional justice has yielded positive outcomes, such as reconciliation, satisfaction expressed by victims and reintegration into the community. This inquiry used restorative justice peacemaking circles (RJPCs), as a model of transitional justice for former child soldiers. Restorative justice evaluation was based on its outcomes. The intervention was efficient as observed: (1) the greater majority of children below the age of 18 (97.2 %) exposed to RJPCs, who intended to join armed groups before, changed their mind and never joined or re-joined armed groups after seven months; (2) apologies by former child soldiers were accepted and they were forgiven, and (3) support for prosecution of child soldiers dropped after RJPCs. In addition, Baraza emerged as an existing model of accountability, conflict resolution and prevention and reconciliation. Unfortunately, it was not exploited to its fullest capacity. Finally healing former child soldiers was a critical step towards change of identity, the transition from soldiering to civilian life, necessary for meaningful reintegration into society. That implied addressing these child soldiers’ psychosocial well-being and creating an environment where peace prevails and adequate accountability measures are in place and effective. The overall results reveal that RJPC yielded empathy, vicarious justice, forgiveness, reconciliation, and deterrence of child soldiers. / D

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:52:17Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 gentil_ab_me_arafcl.pdf: 625319 bytes, checksum: 082b14f0ed76c62adb4ce5ae7b3697f8 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A formação do Conselho Regional Sudoeste em Ribeirão Preto, no ano de 2004, institucionalizado pela Promotoria de Justiça da Infância e Juventude de Ribeirão Preto, buscou estabelecer um novo padrão na gestão da escola pública a partir da unificação dos Conselhos de Escola de uma mesma região. A prioridade assumida pela Promotoria de Justiça na área educacional, neste período, foi com a implantação de uma gestão centrada na democracia escolar por meio do fortalecimento e aparelhamento dos Conselhos de Escola. Os objetivos principais deste trabalho foi apresentar, discutir e analisar as ações e metas propostas pelo Conselho Regional Sudoeste, que previam resolver os cinco problemas diagnosticados como mais graves nessa região na área educacional. Dessa forma verificamos de que maneira esses problemas foram trabalhados pelo colegiado, bem como as suas ações e as metas atingidas, sempre em respeito ao atendimento da comunidade que representavam. A experiência aqui relatada procura mostrar que a Promotoria de Justiça da Infância e Juventude pode se tornar uma importante instituição na defesa e garantia dos direitos à educação e, que os Conselhos Regionais oferecem uma alternativa concreta na gestão democrática do ensino público por meio de uma participação menos fragmentada da comunidade e mais contextualizada, direcionadas para a melhoria do atendimento educacional para todos. / La formation du Conseil Régional sud-ouest à Ribeirão Preto, en 2004, institutionnalisé par le Service dþAide à lþEnfance et à la Jeunesse du Ministère Public de Ribeirão Preto, a cherché à établir une nouvelle norme pour la gestion de lþécole publique à partir de lþunification des Conseils dþÉcole dþune même région. Pendant cette période, le Ministère Public sþest engagé prioritairement, concernant le domaine scolaire, à lþimplantation dþune gestion centrée sur la démocratie scolaire en rendant les Conseils dþÉcole plus forts et équipés. Les principaux objectifs de ce travail ont été de présenter, de discuter et dþanalyser les actions et les buts proposés par le Conseil Régional sud-ouest, qui envisageaient de résoudre les cinq problèmes diagnostiqués comme étant les plus graves dans cette région dans le domaine éducationnel. De cette façon, on a vérifié comment ces problèmes ont été traités par la direction collégiale ainsi que ses actions et les objectifs atteints, en respectant toujours lþaccueil à la communauté quþils représentaient. Lþexpérience ici relatée cherche à démontrer que le Service dþAide à lþEnfance et à la Jeunesse du Ministère Public peut devenir une importante institution dans la défense et dans la garantie des droits à lþéducation et que les Conseils Régionaux offrent une alternative concrète dans la gestion démocratique de lþenseignement public à travers une participation moins fragmentée et plus engagée de la communauté, afin dþatteindre lþamélioration de lþaccueil éducationnel pour tous.

Orientador: Raul Fiker / Banca: Renato Bueno Franco / Banca: José Evaldo Mello Doin / Banca: Francisca Francinete Perdigão / Banca: Rosangela Patriota Ramos / Resumo: Neste trabalho, discutimos as formas de construção por parte da imprensa do Rio e de São Paulo da imagem do autor literário, em especial, do escritor Rubem Fonseca entre os anos de 1975 e 1980. Imagens que, apesar de terem sido impostas como universais para todo um público leitor, foram apresentadas a partir das intenções da imprensa não só para explorar a literatura e o autor literário a partir de interesses mercadológicos, mas também a partir de interesses políticos ante o regime ditatorial. Estudo importante por nos revelar a figuração de uma situação no campo das relações entre imprensa e autores, onde pudemos perceber como certas disposições e interesses da imprensa, ao serem incorporados como formas de legitimação da construção da imagem do escritor, representaram a hegemonia dos poderes políticos e econômicos das elites no campo da cultura, em especial da literatura. / Abstract: In this thesis, we argue the forms of construction through of the Rio and São Paulo press of the imageþs literary author, in special, of the Rubem Fonseca writer between the years 1975 and 1980. Images that, had been imposed as universal for a public reader, they was showed from the intentions of the press in not only to explore literature and the literary author from marketing interests, but also from interest politicians against the ditatorial regimen. This is a important study for demonstrate the figuration of a situation in the field of relations between the press and authors, where we could perceive as certain disposals and interests of the press, when being incorporated as form of legitimation of the construction of the writer image, would represent the hegemony of economics and politicians power from elites in the field of the culture, in special of literature. / Doutor

Swedish schools have a democratic mission to instill democratic values and knowledge in students. When they graduate, students are meant to be democratically competent citizens. In upper secondary school, this mission is executed in the social studies classroom. This is the only context in which Swedish schools actively try to influence students’ democratic competence. At the same time, not all students take the same amount of social studies courses. The purpose of this thesis is to study the association between social studies and students democratic competence, and the possible limits of such a relationship. Does social science courses really predict democratic competence, even when taking other factors into account? And if the goal is democratic competence, how much social studies is enough? Since democratic competence is connected to voting-behaviour and trust in government it might be a problem if students are given unequal access to the courses where it is created. I hypothesized that social studies predicts democratic competence, and that there is a point during courses at which that relationship weakens. To test the hypothesis, a cross-sectional, quantitative survey study was conducted, using established instruments of measurement. The data was analyzed using regression models and analysis of variance, and results indicate that social studies predict democratic competence, and that students need to take three courses of social studies before the association with democratic competence weakens. Since most students take only one course of social studies during their time at upper secondary school, implications for the future of the democratic mission is discussed.

Debates about the use of torture in order to protect democracy have become increasingly prevalent in the wake of September 11, 2001 and the war on terror. This thesis examines pro-torture arguments based on considerations of national security. Recently these arguments have had the most traction when advanced within the republican mode of democratic theory. I argue that torture undermines democratic legitimacy because of the secrecy it involves when used for interrogational purposes. Publicity about acts committed in the name of the demos is an essential aspect of democratic legitimacy. For interrogational torture to be effective, major features of its use must be kept secret. This secrecy is incompatible with classical republicanism and the theory of collective responsibility it entails because it interferes with the ability of the people to participate meaningfully in democracy, which is an essential feature of republicanism. / Graduate

This thesis examines the artisanal mining-combatant-recruitment nexus in war torn zones. With a case study of the Kivus in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which has experienced one of the world’s worst blood-shedding over the last two decades, the study uses a constructivist Grounded Theory approach to research in terms of both data collection and analysis. It focuses on the existing body of knowledge on conflict analyses with a particular reference to the absurdity of abundance theory, which singles out the endowment of natural resources and weak governance as the main fuelling-factors of the conflict in the DRC. Data collection was carried out using diverse methods including literature reviews, interviews and focus groups. In particular, the study aims to explore how the demilitarisation of the mining zones could contribute to enhancement of the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants and promote social cohesion, sustainable peace and security in the eastern DRC. The analysis of the conflicts in the DRC and the acquaintance of belligerents with artisanal mining revealed the convoluted multi-layered nature of the conflicts in the country and their intricate causalities. The examination of the demilitarisation of the mining zones pertinent to the nexus between artisanal mining and the recruitment, reintegration and re-recruitment of combatants in the Kivus identified a few prerequisites in order to sever the artisanal mining-combatant-recruitment relationship that largely swivel around “bottom-up solutions”. The research contributes to knowledge in three broad areas; firstly, it contributes to ongoing academic debates on conflict analyses, the political economy of armed conflicts vis-à-vis mining sector as well as the mining sector and DDR of combatants in the DRC. Secondly, it offers empirical analysis and data on the combatants’ recruitment and DDR process and the artisanal mining sector with regards to state failure and protracted armed conflict in the DRC. Finally, it underlines the need to re-evaluate “the concept of community-based approach”, a key approach to improving peacebuilding and post-conflict recovery in the eastern DRC.

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / This study explores the motivations of voters who chose to switch their vote or support from the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) and the Congress of the People (COPE) to another opposition, the Democratic Alliance (DA) in the 2011 local government election. The study was informed by a qualitative research approach. Accordingly, an interview schedule was utilized as a research tool. This schedule contained questions prepared in order to acquire the necessary insight of voters who previously supported the ACDP and COPE (in the 2009 general elections) and moved to the DA in the 2011 local government election. In addition, interviews were conducted with party representatives from the ACDP and COPE in order to gain further insights into their perceptions of the key reasons for their party’s poor performance in this election. Popkin’s integrated theory is used as a basis to make sense of the behaviour and movement of voters during the 2011 local government election. Popkin (1991) argues that voters utilise low-information rationality or “gut-reasoning” when evaluating political parties, their candidates and the issues they present. As will be shown throughout this thesis, Popkin’s approach, where voters combine various sets of information obtained through daily life, the media and political campaigns, best explains the dynamics in the research findings. Based on the research findings, it appears that Popkin’s approach is the most useful for understanding the reasons for the voter migration to the DA in the 2011 election.

The policy of a political party reflects its philosophy and historical background. Social welfare has become an integral part of our modern society and as a result a major concern of political parties. Therefore, specific political parties will have social welfare policies based on their philosophical views. The subject of this thesis is the philosophy of the New Democratic Party of British Columbia and its social welfare policies. This thesis has examined the historical development of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation-New Democratic Party from its inception. In doing this the history of socialism has been explored from the early 19th century in Europe. The socialist movement began its development in Canada in the early 1900’s and has evolved from a theoretical socialist base (emphasis on the class struggle) to an essentially welfare state focus. The methods used to obtain this information were drawn from a review of historical literature and interviews. The resolutions which were examined from the convention proceedings did not demonstrate this movement to welfare statism so completely, since a large group in the Party gives a higher priority to economic reforms. A questionnaire, sent to a sample of the New Democratic Party membership, indicated that there was a great deal of consistency among them in favor of the welfare state. The thesis is, to our knowledge, the first attempt at providing a comprehensive review which links the philosophy of the New Democratic Party to their social welfare policy. Because political parties play a major role in the genesis and development of welfare programs, it is essential to the public, and to persons directly concerned with social welfare, that accurate descriptions of philosophy and policies of individual parties be available. This thesis has been an attempt to provide such a description with respect to the New Democratic Party. / Arts, Faculty of / Social Work, School of / Graduate

The purpose of the study is twofold: (I) To select procedures based on principles of cooperation implies in American democracy; and (2) To apply these democratic procedures to the supervisory practices in secondary schools.

Thesis advisor: Orfilio Valiente Ernesto / Thesis advisor: Margaret Guider / Thesis (STL) — Boston College, 2021. / Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry. / Discipline: Sacred Theology.