This is a study of the democratic practices in ten fifth grade groups of Denison, Texas, in administration, methods, and curriculum. The purpose of this study is three-fold: 1. To make criteria to be used in evaluating democratic action in the elementary schools. 2. To evaluate the democratic practices in ten fifth grade groups of Denison, Texas. 3. To offer recommendations for changes that could be made for the improvement of these groups.

This thesis takes its departure from the on-going debate about teachers´(collective) ‘continuing professional development’ (CPD). Teachers’ CPD through an imposed nine-step model of peer group mentoring (PGM) is focused on. The study draws on data from a two and a half yearlong interactive project that took place in a teacher team in a Swedish school. The general aim of the thesis is to study a practice of professional development in a teacher team involving peer group mentoring and to find out how and what kind of teachers’ expertise that is constructed. Furthermore, the aim is to examine how the PGM-practice was constrained and enabled and what kind of CPD was made possible. The theoretical and methodological framework is mainly based on practice theory. Practices and practitioners are seen as mutually interrelated. Practice architectures (Kemmis &amp; Grootenboer, 2008) are used to uncover the relations between the PGM-practice and its historical, material-economic, social-political and cultural-discursive conditions. Furthermore, Foucault’s notion of power was adopted as an analytical tool to examine how power came into play during the mentoring sessions and how the teachers’ discursively constructed a ‘good teacher’ and teachers’ expertise. The methodological approach is action research. A main finding of the thesis is that professional and personnel development may be imposed through peer group mentoring. Furthermore, democratic processes increased during the PGMmeetings and seemed to have an impact on classroom practice and the practice of parent-teacher meetings. The results show how the PGM–practice and its outcomes are deeply interconnected to global and local historical, material-economic, social-political and cultural-discursive arrangements which constrained and enabled it. When economic cut downs (i.e. materialeconomic arrangements) began to take effect in the local school, along with a neo-liberal discourse (i.e. cultural-discursive arrangements), democratic processes were challenged and threatened. The focus in the PGM discussions shifted from the teachers’ perceived need for pedagogical knowledge development to talk about students as costs. The constrained nine-step model disciplined some individuals more than others. The teachers disciplined each other through e.g. confessions, corrections and differentiations. Inconsistent discourses about good teaching and teachers’ know-how were constructed and the teachers positioned themselves and each other as ‘good’ or ‘bad’ teachers. The interactive research approach partly enabled the PGM-practice but at the same time effected the teachers’ positioning of each other. The interactive research approach disciplined both the teachers and the researcher. Anyhow, power relations became fluent and mutual among the participants. A collegial approach and the ability to carry out reflexive cooperation were both fostered by the model and articulated in the PGM-practice as important teacher skills. / <p>Akademisk avhandling som med tillstånd av utbildningsvetenskapliga fakulteten vid</p><p>Göteborgs universitet för vinnande av doktorsexamen i Pedagogiskt arbete framläggs till offentlig granskning Fredagen den 14 mars, klockan 13.00, Sal C 203 vid Högskolan i Borås</p><p>Fakultetsopponent: Professor Emeritus Per Lauvås, Oslo</p><p>Langelotz, L., &amp; Rönnerman, K. (2014).The practice of peer Group mentoring - traces of global changes and regional traditions. In K. Rönnerman, P, Salo &amp; T. Lund (Eds.), Lost in Practice. Transforming Nordic Action Research. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. (forthcoming)</p><p>Langelotz, L. (2013). Teachers peer group mentoring - Nine steps to heaven? Education Inquiry, 4(2), 375-399. ISSN 2000-4508</p><p>Langelotz, L. (2013). Så görs en (o)skicklig lärare. Pedagogisk forskning i Sverige, 18(3-4). ISSN 1401-6788</p><p></p>

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The purpose of this investigation was to reveal certain strong and weak points in the school's program, so that corrective measures might be administered for the betterment of the pupils, the staff, and the community in general.

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Ce mémoire s’intéresse à la centralité politique du travail à travers une lecture croisée des pensées de la philosophe française Simone Weil (1909-1943) et de l’anthropologue états-unien David Graeber (1961-2020). Il se penche sur le potentiel qu’a le travail de nous former à l’activité politique en développant notre sensibilité au monde qui nous entoure, ainsi qu’à autrui. Nous interrogeons d’abord la forme actuelle que prend le travail. Nous creusons pour ce faire le phénomène de bullshitization de l’économie, décrite par Graeber comme la hausse de la part du temps au travail accordé à l’accomplissement de tâches superflues, de même qu’à l’augmentation générale des emplois inutiles, dits bullshit jobs. Phénomène lié à la bureaucratisation néolibérale croissante de tous les secteurs de la vie, les bullshit jobs impliquent aliénation, ennui et maux physiques liés au stress. Son occupant·e, par la conscience de l’inutilité sociale de son travail, se voit privé·e de participer à la collectivité de manière significative. Iel est, pour emprunter un langage weilien, déraciné·e. Via les travaux de Weil sur le travail d’usine, nous affirmons une certaine continuité entre les formes d’aliénation au travail décrites par Weil et Graeber. Il y a, dans le travail à la chaine des années 1930, dans les bullshit jobs et dans les emplois bullshitizés, une dissociation entre les gestes et la pensée. Dans son expérience en usine, Weil observe la perte de la capacité à exercer son esprit au travail comme un arrachement à la condition humaine. De cette dissociation découle donc une douleur psychologique et sociale considérable — dite « déracinement » —, ainsi que des formes d’hostilité politique. Nous nous penchons finalement sur le potentiel politique d’un travail digne. Pour Simone Weil, la centralité politique du travail découle de sa propension à cultiver la capacité d’attention. Plus qu’une simple capacité cognitive, l’attention est à la fois ce qui permet la liberté individuelle (être capable d’orienter par soi-même son attention) et ce qui favorise le rapport éthique aux autres. La pratique de l’attention au travail permet en ce sens de développer la réceptivité envers autrui, l’un des fondements de la qualité des rapports démocratiques. Pour David Graeber, le travail, sous certaines conditions, se révèle comme lieu de déploiement de l’imagination. Cette dernière permet la nouveauté politique, car elle tend à décloisonner l’imaginaire de cellui qui l’exerce. Chez Weil comme chez Graeber, le travail peut engendrer des relations sociales émancipatrices qui échappent aux rapports de pouvoir oppressifs. / This master’s thesis examines the political centrality of work through a comparative reading of the works of French philosopher Simone Weil (1909–1943), and American anthropologist David Graeber (1961–2020). It focuses on the potential of work as an activity prone to the development of a form of sensitivity to the world, and to other people. We first consider the present experience of work through Graeber’s concept of bullshitization. The bullshitization of the economy refers to the increase of time and energy at work dedicated to needless tasks, as well as to the increase of useless jobs, which Graeber calls “bullshit jobs”. Inseparable from the neoliberal bureaucratization of all branches of life, bullshit jobs lead to alienation, boredom and physical pains related to stress. Moreover, the bullshit worker is kept from having a significant impact on the community they inhabit; they are, in the words of Simone Weil, uprooted (déraciné·e). Through a reading of the Weil’s writings on factory work in 1930s′ France, we establish a continuity between the forms of suffering at work theorized by Graeber and Weil: at the factory, in bullshit jobs and in jobs that have been bullshitized, there is a disconnect between thought and action. During her experience as a factory worker, Weil describes the loss of thinking at work as a stripping of the human condition. From this separation derives not only psychological and social suffering (uprootedness [déracinement]), but also forms of political hostility. We finally explore the political potential of dignified work. Weil derives the political centrality of work from its propension to encourage the practice of attention. More than a cognitive ability, attention is a condition for individual freedom and fosters ethical relationships to others. Attention thus enables openness and receptiveness to others—one of the foundations of a healthy democratic life. For Graeber, work can nurture imagination, which in turn enables the imagining of new political practices. For Simone Weil and David Graeber, dignified work can bring on new and emancipatory social relations, free from oppressive power dynamics.

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