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As World War II neared its end in Europe, the Allied powers faced a difficult situation with the occupied nation of Austria. Considering the complicated Austrian relationship with Nazism, the Allies had to decide how the nation would be liberated, occupied, and rehabilitated. Almost instantaneously, the United States, Great Britain, and France became at odds with a vengeful Soviet Union seeking to build a defensive shield of Communist European client states that included Austria. This study will show that as the head of the American Legal Division, Col. Eberhard P. Deutsch, United States Army, was instrumental in the reformation of occupied Austria’s legal system. It will also address the alleged role he played in the modification of the Second Control Agreement of 1946, the summer quadripartite conference that allowed the Austrian government greater opportunities for self-determination.

During the final months of the Great War, the loss of human life was not confined to the battlefields of Western Europe. The Spanish influenza virus was rapidly spreading around the globe¸ and would ultimately leave millions dead in its wake. Some American groups, both public and private, saw the pandemic as a blessing in disguise. They interpreted the pandemic as a sign that their work, whether religious, political, commercial, or health, was more vital to the world than ever before. Influenza reinforced their existing beliefs in the rightness and necessity of their causes, and used the pandemic as a call to increase their activities. American missionaries interpreted the pandemic and its spread as a sign of the backwardness of native peoples, and they argued that the United States and Americans had an increased duty after the War and pandemic to help foreign populations with education, sanitation, and religion. For American diplomats, the pandemic was a nuisance to their work of promoting and expanding American trade. Although it devastated societies, it was not destructive to international commerce. It did, though, provide an opportunity for Americans to teach foreign peoples about better health to protect them from future diseases, and to strengthen commercial ties with the rest of the world. The U.S. Government was greatly distracted with the war effort when the epidemic hit, and refused to take it seriously. They appropriated a small amount of money to the United States Public Health Service (PHS) to deal with the epidemic. This appropriation, although small, continued a trend of the federal government becoming more involved in health efforts at the expense of states, and was used as a justification for later federal health initiatives. The PHS actively used the influenza epidemic to push for their own expansion, arguing that their success in combatting influenza showed their merit, and used it to ensure that they would maintain their power and authority after the epidemic ceased. For all of these groups, the Spanish influenza epidemic provided an opportunity for their work, and reinforced their beliefs that their efforts were needed and vital to the nation and world.

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The debate about grand strategy in the Second World War has scarcely ended even in the 21st Century. The present study examines the classical issue of the grand strategy in Europe and the anti-Hitler coalition as concerns the US-UK-Soviet exchange about the Second Front. The great phenomenon of the Second World War was the creation of an unprecedented military alliance between the western powers and the Soviet Union. Due to mutual antagonism the inter-Allied cooperation during the Second World War was very complicated and at times extremely tense. Perhaps the most acute disagreement in the relationship between the Allies was the "Second Front" controversy. Despite desperate Soviet demands to open the Second Front as soon as possible, the Western Allies launched a massive cross-channel operation in the northwestern Europe only in June 1944. This thesis analyses the reasons of why it took the western powers so long to organize and execute such an operation and its implications for the post-war order. The detailed analysis of the grand strategy during the Second World War is one of the ways to comprehend the violent 20th Century amid the carnage of the 21st Century and its own problems of grand strategy.

This thesis attempts to demonstrate how Reverend and Professor Hubert Herring’s dedication to Congregationalism motivated him to advocate for the autonomy of Latin American nations through the pursuit of non-interventionist policies, an approach the U.S. government ultimately adopted when it best suited its interests during World War II.

Abstract For most of the Cold War, the United States attempted to maintain friendly relations with the Communist nations comprising the Eastern Bloc, but with no other Soviet satellite was the relationship as close as it was with Romania. No other member nation of the Warsaw Pact took to the United States’ overtures so eagerly. Diplomatic relations between the United States and the Romanian Communist government were established relatively early, almost immediately following the end of the Second World War. However, it was not until 1968, when Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceauşescu denounced the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, that the Romanians finally gained the Americans’ trust. Ceauşescu’s 1968 speech attacking the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, and the diplomatic maneuverings surrounding it, was the pivotal moment in the relationship between the two nations, fostering an amicable relationship that would last well into the 1980s.

The 1972 Paris Peace Talks between Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho brought the American involvement in the Vietnam War to a close by early 1973. The main sticking points theretofore were stipulations in draft cease-fire agreements allowing Northern troops to remain in the South and the National Liberation Front's participation in South Vietnam's government. President of South Vietnam Nguyen Van Thieu adamantly opposed both proposed stipulations lest his power be diluted. Thus, Kissinger had to broker a diplomatic agreement between Thieu and Le Duc Tho which was acceptable to US foreign policy viz. “peace with honor.”

Abstract This thesis explores the influence of masculinity in twentieth century American foreign policy through examining the career of Guy “Machine Gun” Molony. Molony was an Irish American mercenary from New Orleans, whose career saw the transformation of Honduras from a banana republic to a recipient of dollar diplomacy. Unlike the majority of mercenaries who did not use their experience to build successful careers, Molony made a name for himself in American newspapers, becoming respected and even feared by policemen and politicians. His life tells a fascinating tale of the individual male in American foreign policy, where rebellious youth used war and instability to create heroic images of themselves. This thesis argues that the U.S. State Department borrowed from the independent mercenary model, building on a foundation laid out by men like Molony to implement dollar diplomacy. Guy Molony’s career is a telling example of how perceived ideas of manhood carried imperial intentions during the era of manifest destiny and the Monroe Doctrine. Although scholars tend to focus on Western expansion when examining the ideology of manifest destiny, this thesis explores how mercenaries like Guy Molony, followed by the U.S. State Department, continued to look southward to Central America as a means for American expansion.

Cette thèse étudie les différents aspects de la diplomatie française en Italie, pendant la période française de la guerre de Trente ans, puis pendant la guerre franco-espagnole (1635-1659). Les gouvernements de Richelieu et de Mazarin accordent une grande attention aux événements et enjeux péninsulaires. L'Italie n’est pas alors vue comme un ensemble d’Etats disparates, mais comme le lieu d’une unique géopolitique coordonnée. La première partie de ce travail s’attache à suivre les vicissitudes militaires et politiques de la présence française en Italie. La guerre contre l’Espagne et la construction de nouvelles alliances diplomatiques représentent la préoccupation constante des agents français ; des crises italiennes viennent surajouter leurs propres logiques aux enjeux européens du conflit entre les deux Couronnes. La guerre civile piémontaise, la guerre de Castro, la révolte de Naples représentent des épisodes majeurs dans lesquels les Français interviennent, malgré les réticences des princes italiens. Dans une seconde partie, les pratiques de la négociation sont étudiées. Le rôle de l’écrit et de la langue diplomatique, les difficultés à faire transiter les objets matériels que sont les dépêches d’une cour à l’autre sont évoqués. Les réseaux de parenté et de clientèle dans lesquels se trouvent impliqués les diplomates apparaissent comme des clefs de lecture intéressantes pour décrire les carrières des individus négociateurs. Loin d’intéresser un tout petit cercle de personnes, la diplomatie implique des personnages divers mais nombreux au sein des cours italiennes et française : les informations transitent, de même que les pensions et autres gratifications. Enfin, les princes italiens et leurs maisons sont étudiés. Entre les promesses et les menaces formulées par les couronnes, leurs choix sont dictés par des facteurs complexes et variables. / This doctoral thesis studies France’s diplomacy in Italy between 1635 and 1659, that is, during the French period of the Thirty Years war and the Franco-Spanish war. The governments of Richelieu and Mazarin survey the peninsular events and ventures with great attention. Italy is not seen as an ensemble of separate states, but as a single geopolitical entity. The first part of this work follows the military and political vicissitudes of the French presence in Italy. The war against Spain and the shaping of new diplomatic alliances in Italy are the constant source of preoccupation for the French representatives in the peninsula. In this context, however, several Italian crises come to add their own logic to the endeavours of the two opposing Crowns. The civil war in Piedmont, the war of Castro and the revolt of Naples are major episodes in which the French interfere notwithstanding the reluctance of the Italian princes. In the second part, the general practices used in the negotiations of the time are considered. The status of written messages, the characteristics of the diplomatic language and the difficulties sending letters from one court to another are brought up. The family links and clientele relations in which the diplomats are engaged form an essential element to the understanding of the careers of the individual negotiators. Far from concerning only a small circle of persons, diplomacy involves a number of different types of personage in both the French and Italian courts: information flow must be guaranteed as well as the payment of pensions and other remunerations. Finally, the Italian princes and their Houses are also studied. Between the promises and threats by the Crowns, the princes’ choices are made in function of a complex and variable set of factors.