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John Diefenbakers Latin American policy was based on his vision of Canadas national interest, which placed a strong emphasis on the achievement of greater autonomy in foreign policy for Canada vis-à-vis the US and the expansion of Canadian exports to the region. For Diefenbaker, an enhanced relationship with Latin America had the potential to lessen Canadas dependency on the US, while giving Latin American countries an outlet for their trade, commercial and financial relations other than the US. This new approach implied that Canada would formulate and implement policy that focused more on Canadian political interests and goals. It was not a matter of charting a totally independent policy for Canada in Latin America true policy independence was impossible to achieve. Nor was it the case that Canada would necessarily set itself in opposition to the US when it disagreed with its policies. For Diefenbaker the goal was to pursue a foreign policy that was aligned with, but not subservient to, the US.<p> Ultimately, Diefenbakers policies towards countries such as Cuba, Mexico, the Federation of the West Indies, Argentina and Brazil were somewhat successful in expanding Canadian trade and commercial activity beyond the United States, and in establishing a stronger political relationship between Canada and the Latin American region. The policies were remarkably consistent, reflecting Diefenbakers desire to increase Canadas autonomy, and differentiated by his personal involvement in initiating policy at the Cabinet level and in building and cultivating relationships with Latin American leaders; the goal was to further Canadian economic and political interests in the region. Though there were possibilities for greater expansion and connections with Latin America that were missed, Diefenbakers Latin American policy would be built upon and continued by successive Liberal and Conservative governments once he left office.

This thesis examines Finland’s relations with Britain and the United States from 1939-1941. During this period, Finland engaged in two wars against the Soviet Union. In 1939-1940 Finland defended itself against a Soviet attack with the emotional and material support of Britain and the United States. By 1941 Finland was once again at war with the Soviet Union. The geopolitical situation had changed so significantly that Finland found itself aligned with Germany against the Soviet Union. Consequently Finnish relations with the western democracies were strained, although Britain and the United States had previously supported Finland against the Soviet Union. This thesis examines the differences in foreign policy and public opinion in Britain and the United States and the nature of their relations with Finland from 1939-1941.

John Diefenbakers Latin American policy was based on his vision of Canadas national interest, which placed a strong emphasis on the achievement of greater autonomy in foreign policy for Canada vis-à-vis the US and the expansion of Canadian exports to the region. For Diefenbaker, an enhanced relationship with Latin America had the potential to lessen Canadas dependency on the US, while giving Latin American countries an outlet for their trade, commercial and financial relations other than the US. This new approach implied that Canada would formulate and implement policy that focused more on Canadian political interests and goals. It was not a matter of charting a totally independent policy for Canada in Latin America true policy independence was impossible to achieve. Nor was it the case that Canada would necessarily set itself in opposition to the US when it disagreed with its policies. For Diefenbaker the goal was to pursue a foreign policy that was aligned with, but not subservient to, the US.<p> Ultimately, Diefenbakers policies towards countries such as Cuba, Mexico, the Federation of the West Indies, Argentina and Brazil were somewhat successful in expanding Canadian trade and commercial activity beyond the United States, and in establishing a stronger political relationship between Canada and the Latin American region. The policies were remarkably consistent, reflecting Diefenbakers desire to increase Canadas autonomy, and differentiated by his personal involvement in initiating policy at the Cabinet level and in building and cultivating relationships with Latin American leaders; the goal was to further Canadian economic and political interests in the region. Though there were possibilities for greater expansion and connections with Latin America that were missed, Diefenbakers Latin American policy would be built upon and continued by successive Liberal and Conservative governments once he left office.

This thesis examines Finland’s relations with Britain and the United States from 1939-1941. During this period, Finland engaged in two wars against the Soviet Union. In 1939-1940 Finland defended itself against a Soviet attack with the emotional and material support of Britain and the United States. By 1941 Finland was once again at war with the Soviet Union. The geopolitical situation had changed so significantly that Finland found itself aligned with Germany against the Soviet Union. Consequently Finnish relations with the western democracies were strained, although Britain and the United States had previously supported Finland against the Soviet Union. This thesis examines the differences in foreign policy and public opinion in Britain and the United States and the nature of their relations with Finland from 1939-1941.

Master of Arts / Department of History / Marsha L. Frey / The diplomatic corps employed by Oliver Cromwell and Charles II from 1649 to 1660 differed greatly. This study will focus on the top three diplomatic ranks: ambassador, envoys and residents and will exclude agents and chargé d′affaires. The lesser ranks have been excluded for several reasons primarily because biographical information does not exist for many of them and as lesser diplomats their missions were not significant and often lasted only a matter of days. This prosopographical examination of the twenty-four diplomats employed by Charles II and Oliver Cromwell provides insight into their similarities as well as their differences. After examining the twenty-four, one from each side will be further researched. In matters of religion, Cromwell predictably sent Protestants. Charles also sent Protestants, but did send Roman Catholics, especially to Catholic courts. Despite the age difference between Cromwell and Charles II, age did not separate their diplomats. The average age of Cromwell’s and Charles’ II diplomats was both forty years. In matters of education, those who went to college had a tendency to choose the Puritan-influenced Cambridge for the Commonwealth and Protectorate and Oxford for the Royalists. The area a diplomat was from shows that the diplomats from north chose the side of the Commonwealth while those from London and south chose the Royalist side. Royalists had a higher percentage of military service and a higher percentage of Parliamentary service. Although more Commonwealth and Protectorate diplomats had a university education, the Royalists had a higher percentage of master’s degrees and the study of the law. When looking at a diplomat’s position in a family, the Commonwealth diplomats had a greater chance of being the oldest son, while the Royalists tended to be younger sons. This information is valuable because it expands the commonly held historiographical image of the typical Royalist and Commonwealth supporters and illustrates the differences between the general support and each sides diplomatic corps.

The present study attempts to understand the shift that occurred in Saudi-British relations by the year 1953. The tracing of such a shift is dealt with by investigating the development of these relations from 1939 and through to 1953.The research is drawn upon a documentary diplomatic history method reinforced by an analytical approach. Within the framework of analysis, the Realism approach to international politics is selected. Certain assumptions that most of - classical and modern - Realists agreed upon are in use, specifically the state-centric assumption, the rationality assumption, the unitary assumption, the anarchic assumption, and the security assumption. As is clear from existing secondary sources, Saudi Arabia and Britain enjoyed a kind of special relationship in the early 1940s, but by the last year of King Ibn Saud's reign (1953) these two states' relations had deteriorated into severe conflict. Though some existing sources have attempted to shed some light on that development, their findings are indeed modest. In fact, none of this literature has studied the topic from a purely Saudi-British perspective, nor has any of it explored and analysed the matter with the depth that it deserves. By focusing on Saudi-British relations the chapters of this thesis are endeavouring to answer profoundly a variety of questions that affected the main course of these relations. By questioning the impact of certain issues on Saudi-Anglo relations - such that of Saudi-US relations, the security concept, the Saudi-Hashemite problem, and the frontier conflict - the thesis will address its main theme.

Political, military, and economic power alone cannot explain how empires work, for empire-making is also a matter of theories, narratives, ideas and institutions. To sustain themselves, empires both coerce and persuade. Tools of persuasion, however, were seldom the monopoly of those who sought to dominate, for they could also be contested and appropriated by those who sought to resist. This dissertation on Chosŏn Korea’s (1392–1910) interactions with Ming China (1368–1644) offers a cultural history of interstate orders and diplomatic institutions in early modern Korea and East Asia. I illustrate how Chosŏn appropriated the persuasive technologies that sustained Ming empire as a political imaginary to contest Ming imperial claims and ultimately reshape imperial ideology. Chosŏn-Ming relations have long been described in terms of “tributary relations.” This paradigm, as conceived by John K. Fairbank and others, understands these relations as the logical consequence of a shared Confucian ideology and illustrative of Korea’s historical status as China’s model tributary. These approaches privilege a metropole-centered vantage and have failed to account for Korean agency. They treat Korean envoy missions, ritual performances, and literary production as scripted gestures that can only reflect stable ideology. Meanwhile, they miss how these acts were contesting and transforming ideology in the process. I argue that the Chosŏn court in fact exercised enormous agency through these ritualized practices. The discourses of the Ming as moral empire and Korea as a loyal vassal, long held to be emblematic features of the tributary system, were a large part reified products of Chosŏn diplomatic strategy. They did not reflect a pre-existing political order, but constituted its very substance. They were part of the “knowledge of empire” produced by the Chosŏn court for comprehending the Ming and its institutions and influencing imperial ideology. Facilitated by institutional practices at the Chosŏn court, this “knowledge of empire” allowed Chosŏn to manage successfully asymmetrical relations with the Ming and co-construct Ming empire in the process. Chapter 1 examines Korean diplomatic epistles to show how the Korean court used its knowledge of historical precedents, ritual logics, and literary tropes of empire-making to contest symbols of imperial legitimacy. Chapter 2 discusses how Korean emissaries appealed to ideals of moral empire and reified particular understandings of Korea’s relationship with the Ming to achieve their diplomatic ends. Chapter 3 treats Korean envoy missions as a conduit for information on Ming institutions and politics. As a result, the Chosŏn was able to construct a dynamic of knowledge asymmetry where it knew more about the Ming than vice-versa. Once empire was constructed, its symbols and institutions were subject to appropriation. Chapter 4 looks at one such example, where a Korean prince manipulated diplomacy with the Ming to usurp the Chosŏn throne. Chapter 5 shows how the practices of envoy poetry associated with the Brilliant Flowers Anthology (Hwanghwajip) became a site where competing narratives of how Chosŏn’s relationship to empire, civilization, and the imperial past could stand together. Chapter 6 continues the discussion of envoy poetry by turning to its associated spatial practices. Chosŏn court poets invested the city of P’yŏngyang with symbolic resonances that asserted Korean cultural parity with China, legitimized Korean autonomy and denounced historical imperial claims on Korean territory, all without infringing on Ming claims of universal empire.

This thesis rethinks the foundations of US foreign policy determination in the early Cold War period. In opposition to approaches in IR which privilege an ‘external' realm of causation, it focuses on the domestic bases for foreign policy formation. Having started by reviewing historiographical debates on US foreign policy and US foreign economic policy, the thesis moves on to critique some of the existing ways the US foreign policy has been theorised in IR. The thesis then develops a theoretical and conceptual stance, drawing on a range of different literatures. Within IR, it places itself within the tradition of Marxist Historical Sociology. At the level of macro-history, this places the reconstruction of US foreign policy within broader world historical process of the development of capitalism within the political form of the nation-state and state system, and ongoing spatialisation strategies that states form in order to manage capitalist spatial politics. This macro perspective is conjoined to a ‘disjunctive' theory of the state, which is developed successively through different stages of analysis. The goal is to develop a political economy approach to the study of foreign policy formation and especially the conduct of warfare. The next three chapters constitute an historical reconstruction of the path towards the Cold War militarisation of US foreign policy. The thesis begins by fleshing out some of the theoretical issues discussed earlier in relation to the specificity of US state development. It then shows how developments from the 19th century up to World War II were underpinned by societal conflicts which saw the rise of the New Deal as a challenger to the existing prerogatives of business in America. This challenge saw the development of state capacities to intervene in the economy, and set in place the possibilities of a welfare statist form of governance. However, the coming of WWII and the politics of economic mobilisation for the war changed the context within which these developments unfolded. An alliance of industrial and business interests during the war ensured that the New Deal state was converted into a powerful ‘warfare' state. The thesis then moves on to show how after the war, the world-historical moment of US hegemony had its counterpart on the domestic scene in the resurgence of conflict between nationalist and internationalist political and business interests in the US. The period between 1945 and 1950 is then re-read against the background of successive stages of development of this conflict as it affected the development of US policies towards the world. As the US tried to develop a coherent spatial strategy for reconstructing the global capitalist order, this domestic situation determined and shaped things in unexpected ways. Contrary to perspectives which isolate US plans for a multilateral trading order and the geopolitics of the Cold War, I show how the contradictions of the former largely created the latter. Much IR theory takes it for granted that it was Marshall Plan aid that did the work of reconstructing Europe after the war. However, I show that this assumption obscures the failure of the Marshall Plan, and its eventual replacement by forms of economic aid that were channelled through military spending. These forms of aid required substantial military spending programs. Thus the price to be paid for the reconstruction of Europe after the war was the amplification of the World War II military-industrial alliance in the US. This then fed back into US domestic developments, as a powerful self-sustaining and expansionary element of the American political economy changed the institutional parameters under which war-preparations were formed. This altered the bases of US military strategy and overall foreign policy, a development which was starkly revealed in the conduct of the Vietnam War. The thesis concludes with some reflections on how its historical and theoretical approach has ramifications for how we think of US foreign policy in the 20th century.

This dissertation is about a group of influential British publicists on the left-wing of the Liberal Party known as Radicals. The focus is on the year 1917 during the First World War and the Radical publicist’s belief in the necessity of a negotiated settlement as an essential ingredient to achieving a just and lasting peace. These publicists also believed that the United States could play a unique role in mediating an end to the war and reforming the international system. Radical publicists tirelessly campaigned for a revision of Allied war aims and were convinced that alliances, the arms race, secret diplomacy, imperialism and militarism, played a large part in the outbreak of war and its prolongation. They believed that when the peace settlement came, it should not be a peace of vengeance but a just peace that addressed these flaws in the international system. The Radical publicists looked increasingly to the American President Wilson for leadership, while Wilson was drawn to the Radical publicist’s progressive internationalist ideas, particularly the concept of a league of nations. The Conclusion examines the reason for the failure of the Wilsonian strategy to achieve a just and lasting peace in 1919, but points to the enduring legacy of the Radical publicist’s ideas about creating a stable world order. This dissertation finishes by looking at contemporary commentators who advocate an approach to world order in the tradition of the Radical publicists of the First World War / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)