Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2013

Texte remanié de : Thèse de doctorat : ? : University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign : 1989-96. / Bibliogr. p. 207-219. Index.

Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Univeristé de Genève, 1988). / Includes bibliographical references (p. [477]-480).

Departing from the idea of a slippery ideological surface over which the term &ldquo / Europe&rdquo / is conceptualized, which is continuously susceptible to shifts and redefinitions, this thesis is devoted to the attempt to outline the differences between the two ways of the conceptualization of &ldquo / Europe&rdquo / in Central Eastern Europe in two specific periods and political contexts. The first period mentioned is the early 1980s, or pre-1989 period, punctuated with the Central European intellectuals&rsquo / (the so-called dissidents&rsquo / ) discourse on the &ldquo / European&rdquo / affiliation of the region-especially in cultural terms. The transformation literature is also mentioned in order to pose the counter-factual arguments of this intellectual strand. The second period mentioned is the late 1990s and early 2000s, where the idea of &ldquo / Europe&rdquo / is identified with the EU and the EU accession. In this respect, Poland and Hungary are chosen as the sample countries for the scrutiny of the second period. Euro-discourses of the political parties and the concept of &ldquo / party-based Euroscepticism&rdquo / are scrutinised. The Polish and Hungarian media and the public opinion are also investigated to understand how and with what references &ldquo / Europe&rdquo / is conceptualised in late 1990s and early 2000s in the political space of Central Eastern Europe. Thus, in this study, the basic claim is that the intense debates and the literature on the &ldquo / Europeanness&rdquo / of Central Europe and on the transition that these countries have to realize in order to be &ldquo / European&rdquo / do not have a substantial basis in the conceptualization of &ldquo / Europe&rdquo / in the current political spaces of Poland and Hungary.

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Besides the social survey data, texts have been an important source of sociological data since the beginning of the development of sociological methodology. Text analysis methods contain two main branches of development: Bernard Berelson's content analysis and Hans-Georg Gadamer's hermeneutic analysis. Both these methodological branches have been influenced by the development of information technologies in the last twenty years. The thesis presented here deals with one of the methods of computer text analysis (CATA), which stands on the border between these two methodological streams, a method of analyzing words' collocations in texts. The thesis presents the method in the context of other methods of text analysis, and mentions sources of inspiration for further development of these methods - corpus linguistics and text mining. The second part discusses the different steps of words' collocation analysis: building a text corpus, dictionary compilation, calculation of data matrix and visualisation of words' distances using multidimensional scaling (MDS). The method is also applied to a specific data, two text corpora compiled from transcripts of biographical interviews with actors of Czechoslovak normalization - with dissidents and Communist functionaries. Quality of the models is assessed, depending...

La dissidence peut se définir par une mise en retrait par rapport à un groupe, souvent lié à un désaccord sur quelque valeur commune. De même, une certaine conception de la philosophie veut qu'elle soit une remise en question continuelle et une critique radicale tendant à examiner constamment toutes les idées, ce qui mène souvent le philosophe à un retour critique sur les valeurs dominantes de sa société. Ainsi se trace un air de famille entre dissidence et philosophie. Il s'avère d'ailleurs que la plupart de ceux que l'on juge philosophes dans notre tradition ont été des dissidents à leur époque. Mais les dissidents sont-ils tous philosophes ? Quelles idées sont remises en question par les dissidents contemporains, pour qu'ils soient considérés comme tels ? Quel nouveau regard peut apparaître à travers une enquête sur ces critiques particuliers de nos systèmes politiques ? À travers la présentation et l'examen de trois dissidents contemporains, ce mémoire invite à un exercice philosophique d'exploration critique.

The objective of the dissertation is to prove that ELCZ contributed religious education in the Western Deanery. It is also to assess the interaction between Christianity and African Traditional Religion, since they are the major religions in the Western Deanery they should be taught at schools. Prior to independence religion meant Christianity. Missionaries and a few chosen local teachers taught it. The aim was to Christianize as many students as possible. the abduction of students at Manama Mission in 1970 disurbed the teaching of religious and secular education. A new Manama was set up in Bulawayo but was not a success in reviving the teaching of religious education. There were numerous problems which hindered progress. After independence religious education was based on the child's personal experience not only Christianity. It accommodated all religions. Dissident disturbance interfered with the teaching of religious and secular education. Religious education gained momentum after signing of the Unity Accord in 1987. / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Religious Studies)

The objective of the dissertation is to prove that ELCZ contributed religious education in the Western Deanery. It is also to assess the interaction between Christianity and African Traditional Religion, since they are the major religions in the Western Deanery they should be taught at schools. Prior to independence religion meant Christianity. Missionaries and a few chosen local teachers taught it. The aim was to Christianize as many students as possible. the abduction of students at Manama Mission in 1970 disurbed the teaching of religious and secular education. A new Manama was set up in Bulawayo but was not a success in reviving the teaching of religious education. There were numerous problems which hindered progress. After independence religious education was based on the child's personal experience not only Christianity. It accommodated all religions. Dissident disturbance interfered with the teaching of religious and secular education. Religious education gained momentum after signing of the Unity Accord in 1987. / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Religious Studies)

Within the literature devoted to the study of political parties, scholars have recently directed more attention towards intraparty dynamics. The ‘party as a unitary actor’ assumption seems to have withered away in the last decades. The party is increasingly viewed as a heterogeneous entity, in which dissenting attitudes are frequent. Yet the causes of intraparty dissensions remain quite obscure. This dissertation aims at providing a better understanding of the causes of dissent within parties, especially within parliamentary party groups. <p><p>Intraparty conflicts, dissent or ‘voice’ phenomena have been studied through different literatures that have developed independently from each other: studies dealing with party factionalism, social-psychological and economic theories of organizations (e.g. Hirschman’s trilogy of exit, voice and loyalty), and legislative studies dealing with parliamentary party voting unity. The dissertation attempts to (re)conciliate these separate literatures, and shows how legislative studies, factionalism literature and theories of organizations can help to rethink the concept of dissent, and to grasp why parliamentarians are more or less likely to dissent from their party line. <p><p>The dissertation defines dissent in the parliamentary party as a two-dimensional concept, and operationalizes it as the MP’s frequency of disagreement with her/his party and the MP’s attitude of (non)loyalty in case of such disagreement. At the theoretical level, the dissertation draws on several theoretical approaches –institutional, rational and sociological– and formulates a broad set of hypotheses linking system-, party- and individual-level factors to these two dimensions of dissent. At the empirical level, the dissertation analyzes the causes of dissent within parliamentary parties in a comparative perspective. The analysis examines parliamentarians’ attitudes across 15 European national parliaments and tests the hypotheses formulated in the theoretical part by using the PARTIREP MP Survey dataset. <p><p>The results first show that, while European parliamentary parties are usually viewed as united blocks in terms of voting behavior, looking at MPs’ attitudes provides a more nuanced picture: European parliamentary parties show important variations in their MPs’ frequency of disagreement and attitudes of non-loyalty. Among the factors that explain these variations, both institutional (electoral rules, state structure, effective number of parties, intraparty organization) and sociological (gender, age, socialization, ideological preferences) factors need to be considered. In addition, the research shows that the two dimensions of dissent, though they are connected by a sequential relationship, should be studied distinctly, as different factors affect them respectively. The frequency of disagreement is best explained by the MP’s gender and previous elected office at a lower level than the national one, by the ideological distance between the MP and her/his party’s position in interaction with the party ‘family’, and by intraparty organizational factors (candidate selection procedures and EPO-PPO power balance). Non-loyalty depends more on the institutional structure (multilevel vs. unitary state, ENP) and on the candidate-centeredness of the electoral system; but is also affected by individual-level factors (age and length of incumbency) and by the party ‘family’. On the whole, by contrast to what is usually argued, ‘the party’ matters’ in determining the level of intraparty cohesion: the impact of intraparty organizational structure and party ideology or family is determinant, but more research is definitely needed in order to disentangle the ‘organizational’ vs. the ‘ideological’ effects.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished