L’Inquisition, en tant qu’institution d’Ancien Régime, était le commanditaire de toutes sortes de sermons intégrés aux cérémonies qu’elle organisait. Ceux-ci étaient prononcés lors des célébrations du calendrier inquisitorial, à savoir lors des autodafés, de la publication des édits de foi, d’anathème et de l’index expurgatoire. Ils étaient également prêchés lors de cérémonies de circonstance, relevant ou non du calendrier liturgique (fêtes expiatoires, de Carême, et autres). Par ce « mécénat homilétique », le Saint-Office et les tribunaux, en particulier en Espagne, menaient une politique d’affirmation statutaire et gagnaient une visibilité sociale à même de tempérer leur image répressive. Les sermons, vecteur idéologique de premier ordre, permettaient de diffuser, au sein de la communauté, une doctrine axée sur le rejet de l’altérité confessionnelle et une propagande acquise au commanditaire. / As an Old Regime institution, the Inquisition ordered all sorts of sermons wich were part of the ceremonies it organised. The latter were delivered during the inquisitorial calendar celebrations, that is during autos-da-fé, and during the publication of Edicts of Faith, anathema and Expurgatory Index. They were also preached during occasional celebrations, wether they were part of the liturgical calendar or not (expiatory celebrations, Lent …). The Holy Office and the tribunals led a statutory affirmation policy and obtained a certain social visibility through « homitic patronage », especially in Spain, in order to improve their repressive image. Sermons, wich were first hand ideological vectors, helped spread a doctrine focused around confessional alterity rejection and a patron’s acquired propaganda in the community.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Thesis (doctoral) - Universität, Hamburg, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 416-494).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--State University of New York at Binghamton, Department of Art History, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

Os movimentos sociais, possuidores de identidade coletiva, podem, a partir da apropriação de espaços representativos do status quo, ou seja, com estruturas pertencentes ao poder instituído, formar territórios dissidentes. Dessa forma, os movimentos sociais, enquanto prática sócio-espacial, tornam-se agentes modeladores do espaço, uma vez que as práticas insurgentes possuem força e pressão para reorganizá-lo. O protagonismo cidadão pode constituir territórios dissidentes, ou seja, espaços apropriados pela autogestão e pela autonomia individual e coletiva, críticos do status quo, da verticalização, da hetoronomia e do poder instituído; percursor de uma sociedade pautada pela horizontalidade com a implantação do poder instituinte. Como metodologia, utilizou-se a pesquisa qualitativa, com a aplicação de questionários, pesquisa bibliográfica e em campo, interpretados à luz da dialética e valendo-se da análise de discurso. Considerando os espaços simbólicos, representativos de um poder verticalizado, da Praça da Matriz, do Largo da Prefeitura Municipal de Porto Alegre (Praça Montevidéu) e a região onde está localizada a sede do Jornal Zero Hora, ou seja, a Avenida Ipiranga, as ações promovidas durante a primeira fase das Jornadas de Junho de 2013 e, ainda, o discurso dos entrevistados, entende-se que os movimentos sociais, ao criticarem o sistema vigente e ao defenderem uma nova organização social, podem, a partir da apropriação do espaço e durante sua ação, formar territórios dissidentes. / Social movements - holders of collective identity - can form dissident territories from the appropriation of spaces representing the status quo, that is, structures belonging to the established power. In this way, social movements, as a socio-spatial practice, become molders of space, since insurgent practices have the force and pressure to reorganize it. Citizen protagonism can constitute dissident territories, that is, appropriate spaces for self-management and individual and collective autonomy, critics of the status quo, verticalization, hetoronomy and instituted power; the precursor of a society based on horizontality with the implantation of the instituting power. As a methodology, we used qualitative research, with the application of questionnaires, bibliographical and field research, interpreted in the light of dialectics and using discourse analysis. Considering the symbolic spaces Praça da Matriz, Largo da Prefeitura Municipal de Porto Alegre (Praça Montevidéu) and the region in Ipiranga Avenue where the Zero Hora Newspaper headquarters is located, all of these places representative of a vertical power, the actions promoted during the first phase of the Jornadas de Junho de 2013, and also the discourse of the interviewees, it is understood that social movements, by criticizing the current system and by defending a new social organization, can form dissident territories from the appropriation of space and during their action.

Os movimentos sociais, possuidores de identidade coletiva, podem, a partir da apropriação de espaços representativos do status quo, ou seja, com estruturas pertencentes ao poder instituído, formar territórios dissidentes. Dessa forma, os movimentos sociais, enquanto prática sócio-espacial, tornam-se agentes modeladores do espaço, uma vez que as práticas insurgentes possuem força e pressão para reorganizá-lo. O protagonismo cidadão pode constituir territórios dissidentes, ou seja, espaços apropriados pela autogestão e pela autonomia individual e coletiva, críticos do status quo, da verticalização, da hetoronomia e do poder instituído; percursor de uma sociedade pautada pela horizontalidade com a implantação do poder instituinte. Como metodologia, utilizou-se a pesquisa qualitativa, com a aplicação de questionários, pesquisa bibliográfica e em campo, interpretados à luz da dialética e valendo-se da análise de discurso. Considerando os espaços simbólicos, representativos de um poder verticalizado, da Praça da Matriz, do Largo da Prefeitura Municipal de Porto Alegre (Praça Montevidéu) e a região onde está localizada a sede do Jornal Zero Hora, ou seja, a Avenida Ipiranga, as ações promovidas durante a primeira fase das Jornadas de Junho de 2013 e, ainda, o discurso dos entrevistados, entende-se que os movimentos sociais, ao criticarem o sistema vigente e ao defenderem uma nova organização social, podem, a partir da apropriação do espaço e durante sua ação, formar territórios dissidentes. / Social movements - holders of collective identity - can form dissident territories from the appropriation of spaces representing the status quo, that is, structures belonging to the established power. In this way, social movements, as a socio-spatial practice, become molders of space, since insurgent practices have the force and pressure to reorganize it. Citizen protagonism can constitute dissident territories, that is, appropriate spaces for self-management and individual and collective autonomy, critics of the status quo, verticalization, hetoronomy and instituted power; the precursor of a society based on horizontality with the implantation of the instituting power. As a methodology, we used qualitative research, with the application of questionnaires, bibliographical and field research, interpreted in the light of dialectics and using discourse analysis. Considering the symbolic spaces Praça da Matriz, Largo da Prefeitura Municipal de Porto Alegre (Praça Montevidéu) and the region in Ipiranga Avenue where the Zero Hora Newspaper headquarters is located, all of these places representative of a vertical power, the actions promoted during the first phase of the Jornadas de Junho de 2013, and also the discourse of the interviewees, it is understood that social movements, by criticizing the current system and by defending a new social organization, can form dissident territories from the appropriation of space and during their action.

(in English): The topic of the present thesis is the image of Castro's Cuba in the work of dissident writers. The theoretical part is dedicated to the historical and political circumstances of Cuba in the second half of the 20th century, it briefly outlines the origins and evolution of the Cuban dissent and, most importantly, it pays attention to the literary dissent. The main part of the present thesis concentrates on to the dissident Generation Mariel and its main characterics, and especially on life and literary work of his most important member, Reinaldo Arenas. The theoretical background serves as the basis for the practical part of the thesis, in which the image of Castro's government in the work of Reinaldo Arenas, Before night falls and The color of summer: or The New Garden of Earthly Delights, is examined.

This dissertation investigates three questions: First, what conditions make dissident collective action such as protest, revolt, rebellion, or civil war more likely to happen in a country? Second, what conditions make citizens more likely to join in dissident collective action? Third, does Internet use play a role in dissident collective action, and if so, why? I argue that motives and resources are necessary rather than sufficient conditions for dissident collective action. I develop an analytical framework integrating motives and resources. Specifically, I theorize that state repression is an important motive, and that civil society is critical in providing resources. Four statistical analyses are conducted to test the hypotheses. Using aggregate level data on countries over time, I find that civil war is more likely to occur in countries where both state repression and civil society are strong. Moreover, the effect of civil society on civil war onset increases as the repression level rises. at the individual level using 2008 Latin American Public Opinion Project surveys from 23 Latin American and Caribbean countries, I find individuals more likely to join in protest when they experience both more repression and greater civic engagement. Moreover, civic engagement’s effect on protest participation increases as people experience more repression. I further find that Internet use constitutes a kind of civic engagement and has effects similar to voluntary group involvement. the effect of Internet use on protest participation decreases as a person’s civic engagement increases. Finally, an individual is more likely to join in protest when experiencing more repression and using the Internet more frequently. Moreover, the effect of Internet use on protest participation increases as a person experiences more repression.

Os movimentos sociais, possuidores de identidade coletiva, podem, a partir da apropriação de espaços representativos do status quo, ou seja, com estruturas pertencentes ao poder instituído, formar territórios dissidentes. Dessa forma, os movimentos sociais, enquanto prática sócio-espacial, tornam-se agentes modeladores do espaço, uma vez que as práticas insurgentes possuem força e pressão para reorganizá-lo. O protagonismo cidadão pode constituir territórios dissidentes, ou seja, espaços apropriados pela autogestão e pela autonomia individual e coletiva, críticos do status quo, da verticalização, da hetoronomia e do poder instituído; percursor de uma sociedade pautada pela horizontalidade com a implantação do poder instituinte. Como metodologia, utilizou-se a pesquisa qualitativa, com a aplicação de questionários, pesquisa bibliográfica e em campo, interpretados à luz da dialética e valendo-se da análise de discurso. Considerando os espaços simbólicos, representativos de um poder verticalizado, da Praça da Matriz, do Largo da Prefeitura Municipal de Porto Alegre (Praça Montevidéu) e a região onde está localizada a sede do Jornal Zero Hora, ou seja, a Avenida Ipiranga, as ações promovidas durante a primeira fase das Jornadas de Junho de 2013 e, ainda, o discurso dos entrevistados, entende-se que os movimentos sociais, ao criticarem o sistema vigente e ao defenderem uma nova organização social, podem, a partir da apropriação do espaço e durante sua ação, formar territórios dissidentes. / Social movements - holders of collective identity - can form dissident territories from the appropriation of spaces representing the status quo, that is, structures belonging to the established power. In this way, social movements, as a socio-spatial practice, become molders of space, since insurgent practices have the force and pressure to reorganize it. Citizen protagonism can constitute dissident territories, that is, appropriate spaces for self-management and individual and collective autonomy, critics of the status quo, verticalization, hetoronomy and instituted power; the precursor of a society based on horizontality with the implantation of the instituting power. As a methodology, we used qualitative research, with the application of questionnaires, bibliographical and field research, interpreted in the light of dialectics and using discourse analysis. Considering the symbolic spaces Praça da Matriz, Largo da Prefeitura Municipal de Porto Alegre (Praça Montevidéu) and the region in Ipiranga Avenue where the Zero Hora Newspaper headquarters is located, all of these places representative of a vertical power, the actions promoted during the first phase of the Jornadas de Junho de 2013, and also the discourse of the interviewees, it is understood that social movements, by criticizing the current system and by defending a new social organization, can form dissident territories from the appropriation of space and during their action.

No description available.