This thesis is an attempt to focus on the process by which a village society in Central Thailand, once predominated by chaonaa (peasants), has been transformed into one in which a large number of villagers are now khon-ngaan (wage-labourers). To comprehend this it is necessary to set it against the wider context of the particular path of development taken by Thailand as a whole, with emphasis on the roles of the agricultural sector and the state. Fieldwork was conducted in Theparaj village, Chachoengsao province. The village was established in the 1880s after Thailand had become integrated into the world economy. The early years of settlement witnessed the abolition of "slave" labour and the replacement of the traditional rights over persons with property rights over land as well as the increasing presence of the state in rural areas. In the ensuing years, up until about 1960, agricultural growth was based on the incorporation of new land into production with little change in technology and small peasant production predominated. In the finance and distribution of rice, merchants and moneylenders featured dominantly, profiting as a result of the peasants' growing indebtedness. The agrarian basis of production was greatly transformed from the 1960s onwards when more branches of capital began to enter agriculture on an increasing scale, with the aid of the state's policy to promote industrial investment. The agro-business of modern capital-intensive poultry-farming was introduced into the village while at about the same time, rice production also became more intensified with the adoption of double-cropping and the various ingredients of the "green revolution". The village economy has thus become more tightly linked than ever before into the international economic system with the dominating presence of multinational corporations. This has created new areas of accumulation in the village. A handful of merchants and moneylenders have turned themselves into capitalist poultry-farmers who operate with the use of wage labour. A few rice-farmers have also entered into the new business but on a much smaller scale and most need to form dependent ties with the larger poultry-farms. Rice-farmers have generally prospered after the adoption of double-cropping. The relatively better-off have benefited from the state's programmes of subsidy while the poorer farmers continue to rely on local merchants and moneylenders. The use of wage labour in rice-farming is now also predominant and exchange labour has disappeared. Although the majority of the village population are better off materially in absolute terms, benefits of recent developments have been disproportionately concentrated among the highly capital-intensive enterprises, particularly the larger pou1try-farms and to a lesser extent among the other already well-off households, and this has significantly increased income and wealth disparities in the village. Concommittantly, the very wealthy poultry-farmers (ex-merchants, moneylenders or millers who hitherto had remained largely outside the village political arena) have now asserted themselves politically and assumed a position of leadership within the village.

This thesis studies the social history of the poor in Bulawayo, the second largest city in Zimbabwe, between 1960 and 2005. This is accomplished by focusing on the housing and unemployment crises they faced and the manifest reluctance of authorities to either provide enough housing or to accept mushrooming informal housing and economic activities in response to these acute shortages. I attempt to highlight the fragility of the poor’s claim to the right to permanent urban residency emphasizing inadequate state funding and poverty and continuities in some discourses from colonial to the post colonial era as factors responsible for spreading and sustaining the discrimination against low income earners in the city. These included authorities’ perceptions that all Africans belonged to rural areas, have access to land, and that low income Africans were immoral and unclean. While these perceptions tended to be fuelled by the racial divide between whites and blacks during the colonial period, class and gender dynamics among Africans crisscrossed that racial divide. After independence, while these perceptions were still alive, central government policy ambitions and failures were instrumental in influencing the welfare and fate of the urban masses and their relations with the former middle class Africans and nationalist leaders who assumed power in 1980. It becomes clear that there was a misunderstanding by authorities on how most of the rural land was not able to support some families because of infertility or lack of resources to successfully till the land by most some families. The overall conclusion is that poor people’s rights to permanent residency were elusive up to 2005 and their living and survival space has been continuing to shrink in the city.

This thesis analyzes the pecuniary aspects of education in Turkey. It consists of three essays. The first essay deals with the demand for education, focusing on private tutoring expenditures of households. The study investigates the determinants of private tutoring expenditures of households using a Tobit model as the estimation method. It is found that wealthier households with higher levels of parental education are more likely to participate in private tutoring. The second essay concerns the wage inequality in the male wages in 1994 and 2002. The study found that the differences in the educational attainment levels are a major determinant of wage inequality. However, returns to education declined at each school level from 1994 to 2002. Wage inequality is also found to exist within the same educational categories. The study shows that differences in returns to the same level of education at distinct points of wage distribution became more pronounced in 2002 compared to 1994. Secondary schooling is found to benefit the least able more compared to those positioned in the middle quantiles of ability distribution. The last study in this thesis attempts to elucidate the determinants of self-employment versus wage employment choice and earnings in the two employment states. The study concludes that financial wealth and risk factor are important determinants of self-employment activity. As the educational attainment levels of individuals increase, the likelihood of becoming self-employed decrease. Education increases the earnings of both self-employed and wage earners. However, education returns are higher for the sub-group of wage employees compared to self-employed.

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<p>The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.</p><p>My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.</p><p>There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.</p>

L’étude juridique du groupe de sociétés fait apparaître une difficulté majeure qui émane de la grande différence entre le droit et le fait. En effet, bien qu’elles soient liées par un intérêt commun, les sociétés membres d’un groupe ne font toujours pas l’objet d’une réglementation détaillée qui prendrait en considération leur entité et leur unité économique et sociale distinctes. Il découle de cet antagonisme un risque de non correspondance des intérêts particuliers des sociétés membres avec la prévalence juridique de l'intérêt du groupe, lequel pourrait induire des effets préjudiciables aux différentes catégories des créanciers de ces sociétés.Toutefois, cette absence d’une loi particulière aux groupes a donné lieu à une réglementation ponctuelle qui vient modifier des règles du droit des sociétés ou qui régit certains domaines particuliers. De même, en raison d'une telle insuffisance de normes écrites, une importante partie du droit positif des groupes semble d’origine jurisprudentielle. Soutenus par la Cour de cassation, les juges du fond ne cessent de circonscrire les différents aspects de ce phénomène en vue de combler des lacunes juridiques qui heurtent l’équité. Plusieurs théories ont été instaurées en la matière, construisant ensemble une base importante pour la protection des créanciers, des salariés et des associés minoritaires liés à l’ensemble des sociétés regroupées. / Legal study of the group of companies reveals a major difficulty which emanates from the big difference between law and reality. Indeed, although they are linked by a common interest, the member companies of a group are not always the object of a detailed ruling which would take into consideration their entity and their economic unity and social distinctions. From this antagonism follows a risk of not connecting the particular member companies with the legal acceptance of the group’s interest, which might lead to prejudicial actions towards the different categories of creditors and companies.However, this absence of a special law for groups gave rise to a timely rule which modifies the rules of the rights of companies or which rules certain particular fields. In the same way, because of an insufficiency of written standards, an important part of the actual right is derived from the origins of precedent. Supported by the Supreme Court of Appeal, the the trial judges do not cease to draw a line around the different aspects of this occurrence in the light of closing a legal loop hole which goes against fairness. Several theories have indeed been established on the subject, forming together an important base for the protection of creditors, wage earners and minor partners linked to the whole of the amalgamated companies.

The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue. My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time. There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole. How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds. How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.