Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2001. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains x, 314 p. : maps. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 301-314).

Master's thesis. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

During the late 19th and early 20th centuries the kingdom of Buganda in East Africa endured rapid changes which threatened its autonomy and power, including repeated civil wars, conversion Christianity, and the gradual transition to British colonial rule under the Uganda Protectorate. Apolo Kagwa (1864-1927) played important roles throughout, serving as prime minister and then as regent to two Bugandan kings, while also being knighted by the British. Kagwa needs to be recognized for his creative work in adapting politics and culture to protect and preserve the integrity and future of Buganda; this new biography informed by recent historical scholarship advances this. Pursuing his own interests, but also those of the kingdom, he mediated political and cultural change with the intent of renovating Buganda, heeding local politics while adeptly anticipating and manipulating British interests in the region, to help prepare and secure Buganda for the colonial period.

In the developing world, women are more likely than men to work in poorly paid occupations in the informal sector. Women are responding to this inequality by joining co-operatives. Women-only co-operatives offer the opportunity for employment and empowerment. A case study approach on an unregistered, women-only handicraft co-operative located in the Mpigi District of Uganda was taken. The epistemological approach used was feminist standpoint, using Rowlands’ theory of empowerment as the analytic lens. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 30 members of the Tabiro Ladies’ Club. Key informant interviews, participant observation, and a feedback workshop also occurred. Members of the Tabiro Ladies’ Club experienced empowerment at the personal, collective, and relational level. Findings were supported by the interviews, key informants, participant observation, and the feedback workshop. Implications for the women include the development of agency, economic benefits, social benefits, and capacity development. Hindrances included economic struggles and being an unregistered co-operative. / Ontario Graduate Scholarship, OAC 1950 International Graduate Travel Scholarship, SSHRC GGSF Travel Grant, Registrar's Travel Grants, Registrar's Research Grant for Graduate Students, and R/S Hungerford Grad Travel Scholarship.

This study examines the socialist project in Mozambique under the political party Frente de Libertação de Moçambique or Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) from the time of independence in 1975 to the end of its 15-year war with Mozambique National Resistance (MNR/RENAMO) in 1994. After achieving independence from a brutal and obstinate system of Portuguese colonialism in 1975, the chief organization that led the anti-colonial struggle, FRELIMO began a process of creating a socialist-oriented modern nation, modelled on existing examples worldwide. Facing widespread hardship and seemingly insurmountable challenges as well as crumbling communist regimes elsewhere in the world, FRELIMO’s efforts however, soon came to end in the late 1980s. This thesis critically engages the factors that led to the failure of the development of socialism in Mozambique with particular focus on the way that historians and scholars have understood such factors. Combining a review of the existing historiographical literature on the topic as well as data drawn from primary sources from the historical events under study, the aim of the research is to provide an alternative understanding of the collapse of this much-touted and widely observed period of transition for this southeast African country. The thesis suggests re-conceptualizing the notion of single-state self-sufficient socialism as conceived of by FRELIMO, particularly in nations historically subjugated to colonialism and more recently the dictates of international capital, and in doing so also contends that a number of key elements of socialist theories of development have been overlooked in the process. In the context of a recent global economic recession and the seeming deterioration of state authority in the face of globalization, it is necessary to examine the confluence of historical paths that led to the current situation and in this sense the thesis will contribute another view of these histories.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 134-136).

Este trabalho procura responder por que as políticas externas de Uganda, Tanzânia e Quênia convergiram ao final da década de 1990 culminando na refundação da Comunidade da África Oriental (CAO). Leva-se em consideração o quadro de análise em dois níveis: a política interna e o sistema internacional. O trabalho guia-se por duas hipóteses. A primeira é que dificuldades econômicas domésticas, experimentadas na década de 1990 — marcada pela adoção do Consenso de Washington —, deram impulso a forças políticas que favoreciam parcerias regionais. Já a segunda é que a CAO seria um fator conducente à constituição de um paradigma relacional no leste africano, permitindo a resolução pacífica de controvérsias entre os Estados membros e a coordenação de ações militares em seu entorno. Para averiguar as hipóteses, analisam-se os processos políticos internos dos três países em busca das causas da aproximação, isto é, mudanças de governo, governante e de arcabouço institucional. Traça-se também a evolução da políticas externas de Quênia, Tanzânia e Uganda, relacionando-as com o panorama internacional da época e com as dinâmicas políticas domésticas. Ademais, exploram-se os limites da convergência política através do estudo de alguns casos específicos: projetos de integração infraestrutural na CAO, a guerra civil da Somália e as guerras na República Democrática do Congo. Verifica-se que na Tanzânia a transição presidencial foi determinante para a mudança na política externa. Em Uganda, a superação da instabilidade interna (insurgências) permitiu o maior engajamento regional. Em contraste, a política externa queniana mostrou-se mais reativa ao contexto externo: a perda de valor estratégico do país para os Estados Unidos com o fim da Guerra Fria obrigou-o a buscar aliados regionais para evitar isolamento. Já os estudos de caso mostram que a convergência política encontra muitos desafios, pois, embora haja uma relação especial entre Dodoma, Kampala e Nairóbi, eles disputam entre si para tornar-se polo regional de poder. Ainda assim, mesmo quando estão indiretamente em guerra um contra o outro, como na República Democrática do Congo, a integração consegue avançar paulatinamente. / This work aims to answer why did the foreign policies of Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya converge by the end of the 1990s culminating in the re-foundation of the East African Community (EAC). It takes into consideration the two-level analytical framework: internal politics and the international system. Two hypothesis guide the investigation. The first is that domestic economic difficulties, experience in the 1990s — marked by the adoption of the Washington Consensus —, have given impulse to political forces favorable to regional partnerships. The second considers that the EAC is a factor conducive to the constitution of a relational paradigm in East Africa, allowing for the peaceful resolution of controversies among member-states and military action coordination in their surroundings. To test the hypotheses, the internal political processes of the three countries are analyzed in search for the causes of the convergence, that is, changes in government, ruler and institutional framework. The evolution of Kenya's, Tanzania's and Uganda's foreign policies is traced, relating them with the international scene of the period and with domestic political dynamics. Furthermore, the limits of the political convergence are explored through the study of some specific cases: infrastructure integration projects in EAC, Somalia's civil war and the wars in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The work finds that in Tanzania the presidential transition was determinative to the foreign policy shift. In Uganda, the overcoming of internal instability (insurgencies) allowed a greater regional engagement. Conversely, the Kenyan foreign policy has shown to be more reactive to the external context: the country's loss of strategic value to the United States with the end of the Cold War pushed it to seek regional allies to avoid isolation. The case studies have shown that the political convergence meets many challenges, because, although there is a special relationship between Dodoma, Kampala and Nairobi, they dispute to become a regional pole of power. Nevertheless, even when they are indirectly at war with one another, as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the integration manages to advance step by step.

Este trabalho procura responder por que as políticas externas de Uganda, Tanzânia e Quênia convergiram ao final da década de 1990 culminando na refundação da Comunidade da África Oriental (CAO). Leva-se em consideração o quadro de análise em dois níveis: a política interna e o sistema internacional. O trabalho guia-se por duas hipóteses. A primeira é que dificuldades econômicas domésticas, experimentadas na década de 1990 — marcada pela adoção do Consenso de Washington —, deram impulso a forças políticas que favoreciam parcerias regionais. Já a segunda é que a CAO seria um fator conducente à constituição de um paradigma relacional no leste africano, permitindo a resolução pacífica de controvérsias entre os Estados membros e a coordenação de ações militares em seu entorno. Para averiguar as hipóteses, analisam-se os processos políticos internos dos três países em busca das causas da aproximação, isto é, mudanças de governo, governante e de arcabouço institucional. Traça-se também a evolução da políticas externas de Quênia, Tanzânia e Uganda, relacionando-as com o panorama internacional da época e com as dinâmicas políticas domésticas. Ademais, exploram-se os limites da convergência política através do estudo de alguns casos específicos: projetos de integração infraestrutural na CAO, a guerra civil da Somália e as guerras na República Democrática do Congo. Verifica-se que na Tanzânia a transição presidencial foi determinante para a mudança na política externa. Em Uganda, a superação da instabilidade interna (insurgências) permitiu o maior engajamento regional. Em contraste, a política externa queniana mostrou-se mais reativa ao contexto externo: a perda de valor estratégico do país para os Estados Unidos com o fim da Guerra Fria obrigou-o a buscar aliados regionais para evitar isolamento. Já os estudos de caso mostram que a convergência política encontra muitos desafios, pois, embora haja uma relação especial entre Dodoma, Kampala e Nairóbi, eles disputam entre si para tornar-se polo regional de poder. Ainda assim, mesmo quando estão indiretamente em guerra um contra o outro, como na República Democrática do Congo, a integração consegue avançar paulatinamente. / This work aims to answer why did the foreign policies of Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya converge by the end of the 1990s culminating in the re-foundation of the East African Community (EAC). It takes into consideration the two-level analytical framework: internal politics and the international system. Two hypothesis guide the investigation. The first is that domestic economic difficulties, experience in the 1990s — marked by the adoption of the Washington Consensus —, have given impulse to political forces favorable to regional partnerships. The second considers that the EAC is a factor conducive to the constitution of a relational paradigm in East Africa, allowing for the peaceful resolution of controversies among member-states and military action coordination in their surroundings. To test the hypotheses, the internal political processes of the three countries are analyzed in search for the causes of the convergence, that is, changes in government, ruler and institutional framework. The evolution of Kenya's, Tanzania's and Uganda's foreign policies is traced, relating them with the international scene of the period and with domestic political dynamics. Furthermore, the limits of the political convergence are explored through the study of some specific cases: infrastructure integration projects in EAC, Somalia's civil war and the wars in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The work finds that in Tanzania the presidential transition was determinative to the foreign policy shift. In Uganda, the overcoming of internal instability (insurgencies) allowed a greater regional engagement. Conversely, the Kenyan foreign policy has shown to be more reactive to the external context: the country's loss of strategic value to the United States with the end of the Cold War pushed it to seek regional allies to avoid isolation. The case studies have shown that the political convergence meets many challenges, because, although there is a special relationship between Dodoma, Kampala and Nairobi, they dispute to become a regional pole of power. Nevertheless, even when they are indirectly at war with one another, as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the integration manages to advance step by step.

Este trabalho procura responder por que as políticas externas de Uganda, Tanzânia e Quênia convergiram ao final da década de 1990 culminando na refundação da Comunidade da África Oriental (CAO). Leva-se em consideração o quadro de análise em dois níveis: a política interna e o sistema internacional. O trabalho guia-se por duas hipóteses. A primeira é que dificuldades econômicas domésticas, experimentadas na década de 1990 — marcada pela adoção do Consenso de Washington —, deram impulso a forças políticas que favoreciam parcerias regionais. Já a segunda é que a CAO seria um fator conducente à constituição de um paradigma relacional no leste africano, permitindo a resolução pacífica de controvérsias entre os Estados membros e a coordenação de ações militares em seu entorno. Para averiguar as hipóteses, analisam-se os processos políticos internos dos três países em busca das causas da aproximação, isto é, mudanças de governo, governante e de arcabouço institucional. Traça-se também a evolução da políticas externas de Quênia, Tanzânia e Uganda, relacionando-as com o panorama internacional da época e com as dinâmicas políticas domésticas. Ademais, exploram-se os limites da convergência política através do estudo de alguns casos específicos: projetos de integração infraestrutural na CAO, a guerra civil da Somália e as guerras na República Democrática do Congo. Verifica-se que na Tanzânia a transição presidencial foi determinante para a mudança na política externa. Em Uganda, a superação da instabilidade interna (insurgências) permitiu o maior engajamento regional. Em contraste, a política externa queniana mostrou-se mais reativa ao contexto externo: a perda de valor estratégico do país para os Estados Unidos com o fim da Guerra Fria obrigou-o a buscar aliados regionais para evitar isolamento. Já os estudos de caso mostram que a convergência política encontra muitos desafios, pois, embora haja uma relação especial entre Dodoma, Kampala e Nairóbi, eles disputam entre si para tornar-se polo regional de poder. Ainda assim, mesmo quando estão indiretamente em guerra um contra o outro, como na República Democrática do Congo, a integração consegue avançar paulatinamente. / This work aims to answer why did the foreign policies of Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya converge by the end of the 1990s culminating in the re-foundation of the East African Community (EAC). It takes into consideration the two-level analytical framework: internal politics and the international system. Two hypothesis guide the investigation. The first is that domestic economic difficulties, experience in the 1990s — marked by the adoption of the Washington Consensus —, have given impulse to political forces favorable to regional partnerships. The second considers that the EAC is a factor conducive to the constitution of a relational paradigm in East Africa, allowing for the peaceful resolution of controversies among member-states and military action coordination in their surroundings. To test the hypotheses, the internal political processes of the three countries are analyzed in search for the causes of the convergence, that is, changes in government, ruler and institutional framework. The evolution of Kenya's, Tanzania's and Uganda's foreign policies is traced, relating them with the international scene of the period and with domestic political dynamics. Furthermore, the limits of the political convergence are explored through the study of some specific cases: infrastructure integration projects in EAC, Somalia's civil war and the wars in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The work finds that in Tanzania the presidential transition was determinative to the foreign policy shift. In Uganda, the overcoming of internal instability (insurgencies) allowed a greater regional engagement. Conversely, the Kenyan foreign policy has shown to be more reactive to the external context: the country's loss of strategic value to the United States with the end of the Cold War pushed it to seek regional allies to avoid isolation. The case studies have shown that the political convergence meets many challenges, because, although there is a special relationship between Dodoma, Kampala and Nairobi, they dispute to become a regional pole of power. Nevertheless, even when they are indirectly at war with one another, as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the integration manages to advance step by step.

This study examines Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) practices of selected local large firms in both Kenya and Tanzania by exploring communication, organisation and activity dimensions of these firms. The study focuses on these two East African countries because there is a well established stock exchange with a large number of firms capable of engaging in social issues in this region. Moreover, compared to other regions in Africa, there has been little research on CSR practices in this part of Africa. In addition, the existing literature on CSR in Africa reveals more studies on Multinational Enterprises (MNEs) with little emphasis on large indigenous firms operating in the southern hemisphere, particularly in the East African region. Accordingly, this study explores the CSR practices of indigenous large firms in Kenya and Tanzania. Specifically, it examines whether these firms engage socially, and in the same way. To answer the research questions a survey research approach using standardised public data (i.e. newspapers and business annual reports for the period 2010-2012) was employed. In particular, content analysis of newspapers and annual reports was carried out to investigate the characteristics of CSR practice of these local firms. The study concludes that local firms in both Kenya and Tanzania are faced with the same obligations in meeting society’s needs, even though social engagement is different between the firms. This research identified well organised firms with established CSR (i.e. proactive firms); less well organised firms in which CSR is not established (i.e. reactive firms); and lastly firms that engage less often and are not organised internally (i.e. episodic). Overall, research findings in this study imply a shift of focus from sole stakeholders to multiple stakeholder engagements in business conduct.