Orientador: Iara Lis Schiavinatto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T20:11:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aquino_LiviaAfonsode_D.pdf: 255946029 bytes, checksum: 176794ed5283231aa05740c0d9e70a27 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Esta tese trata da fotografia do amador e sua construção histórica no campo do turismo, refletindo sobre a criação de práticas sociais e sobre as transformações na percepção da experiência da viagem. O turista-fotógrafo é sujeito que comporta tanto o turista quanto o fotógrafo amador, mas se constitui, sobretudo, no entrelaçamento entre os dois. Parte-se de uma relação entre a fotografia e o turismo operando como dispositivo, cristalizando inerente relação. Nessa direção, a Eastman Kodak Company é peça fundamental no processo de popularização da fotografia e, consequentemente, na construção dos modos de produzir, consumir e compreender imagens. Por meio da publicidade, de estratégias de negócio, da elaboração de um sistema educativo e de ampla cadeia de produção, a Kodak atua na criação de valores relativos à importância do registro da viagem e enfatiza o fato de que sua rememoração pode ser obra do amador. O turista-fotógrafo torna-se assim um sujeito produtor de parte do mundo-imagem, pelo desejo de posse e status que a fotografia e o turismo carregam, e, especialmente, pela busca de uma fotografia que está sempre a sua espera / Abstract: This thesis addresses the amateur photography and its historical construction in the tourism area, reflecting on the creation of social practices and on the transformations in the perception of the travel experience. The tourist-photographer is the subject that encompasses both the tourist and the amateur photographer, but is mainly the interlacing between both. The starting point is the relationship between photography and tourism operating as an apparatus, crystalizing their inherent relationship. In this sense, Eastman Kodak Company is a fundamental piece in the process that made photography popular and consequently in the construction of the ways to produce, consume and comprehend images. By means of advertising, business strategies, creation of an educational system and an ample production network, Kodak creates values related to the importance of recording the trip and emphasizes the fact that recalling it can be the work of an amateur. The tourist-photographer becomes then a subject that produces part of the world-image, through the wish for possession and status inherent in photography and tourism, and, especially, through the search for a picture that is always waiting to be taken. / Doutorado / Artes Visuais / Doutora em Artes Visuais

This thesis discusses the camera design development from its very beginning until present time. Methodological is based on a basic ideas of industrial design, cooperation of brands with specific designers and achieve goals of industrial design. In the beginning, I am trying to find a breakpoint in thinking about the cameras, moment of not-only light-sensitive material development, but also adding of new ideas of camera ergonomics, the functional elements of the marking symbol or extra aesthetic value and mapping the effects and conditions to which it was formed. It contains substantial cooperation with world famous brands (Kodak, Leica, Hasselblad, Pentax ...), their theoretical basis and problems, concerning media images linked to the samples as well.

Photography is inherently technological, based as it is on intricate chemical processes. George Eastman famously created the conventional photographic system, making the technology widely available to a mass market. Using the systems approach, I show how the Eastman Kodak Company consolidated critical photographic technologies through acquisition and research in the beginning of the twentieth century. Once the company achieved predominance in the industry, it set about expanding its markets. However, as the non-chemical elements of the technology advanced in the 1970s and beyond, the market changed. At the same time, foreign competitors matched and even surpassed Kodak's production efficiencies, threatening the company as never before. Just as Kodak began facing serious price competition in the 1980s for the first time in decades, electronics manufacturers introduced video camcorders and, later, digital still cameras. Dismissed by Kodak managers as inferior, the radical technology advanced far more rapidly than Kodak's chemical research. Computers in particular guided consumers to embrace new values, emphasizing a means of imaging that the conventional system could not match. Eastman Kodak's success with the older system created a protective mindset that led its managers to focus very narrowly on the survival of film. They viewed the new competitive landscape skeptically, and as a result they stifled innovation and prevented the company from aggressively competing in emerging technologies. / Master of Science

The dissertation examines how image-making, a common pastime, was made common. It investigates the ways in which the production and consumption of images in the context of the North American family contributed to the development of a distinctly domestic and privatized visual culture, and the transformation of the home into a site for privatized spectatorship. / Four cultural forms (No. 1 Kodak, Box Brownie, Cine Kodak and Cine Kodak 8) are specified in this development, all pioneered by the Eastman Kodak Company. The dissertation traces Eastman Kodak's direct involvement in the popularization of image practices. It analyzes strategies used by them to make this possible, namely an appeal to the becoming lifestyles of the bourgeois and middle-classes. / The analysis links the popularization of image-making and consuming practices to other popular amusements (i.e. cycling, cinema-going) to work against an artifact-centred analysis. Issues of gender and generation are critically evaluated as concepts used to instill image-making as a popular, family practice. Shifts in modern temporal and spatial experience, as well as mobility are also explored in relation to popular image-making.

No description available.

Within the accepted historiography of photography, the importance of George Eastman and the Eastman Kodak Company (EKC) has become unassailable. They have been placed as the key, and often sole, agent in “revolutionizing” the amateur photography market in the late nineteenth century. While the photographic landscape and market of 1885-1914 was indeed radically altered, the historiographical dominance of what can be identified as the “Kodak story” has obscured the means through which EKC’s successful re-structuring of the existing manufacturing and distribution networks of photographic materials occurred. I argue that the changes effected by Eastman and the EKC began not with imaging desires, but with their acknowledgment, and profound understanding of the existing and competing interests within the photographic industry. This thesis focuses on the EKC’s re-structuring of the extant and evolving communities involved in the manufacturing and distribution of photographic materials in Canada between 1885-1910. Focusing particularly on the period immediately surrounding the establishment of the Canadian Kodak Co. Limited in 1899, I demonstrate the re-structuring processes at work, including: market and financial diversification; governmental lobbying; purchase and mergers; and other business and marketing-based strategies. I frame my theoretical positions and analysis of network re-structuring through the experiences of Ottawa professional photographer and photographic business owner William James Topley (active 1868-1907), and CKCoLtd manager John Garrison Palmer (active 1886-1921). Topley and Garrison’s professional experiences and interactions with expanded communities of photographic consumers and industry participants provide an opportunity for specific and detailed findings which challenge understandings of the evolution of the practice of photography during this transitional period. In doing so, I provide evidence of the primary role network re-structuring played in the EKC’s ability to shape the wider international photographic industry to their advantage in the early twentieth century.

許多多國企業之研究將多國企業之組織架構區分為幾種類型。例如Bartlett & Ghoshal提出全球企業(global companies)、多國企業(multinational companies)、國際企業(international companies)與跨國企業(transnational companies)。國內亦有研究（翁良杰，2004 )將多國企業於亞太區域之策略類型分為四種：區域中心型、跨國中心型、全球中心型、地區中心型以呼應Bartlett & Ghoshal之四種類型。 然而多國企業的組織架構並非能以四種架構簡單地區分之，原因在於從功能構面來看，某功能的資源與知能可能在母國總部整合，但另一功能的資源與知能卻在區域作整合。某些流程在區域不銜接反而在以國家為單位的子公司銜接，但有些流程卻在區域作銜接。因此研究多國企業時無法簡單區分該企業採用的是產品別、地區別還是功能別組織，亦無法直接將組織架構分成區域中心型或是跨國中心型。 本研究透過個案訪談瞭解多國企業在亞太區域及大中華區的整合策略、策略意涵與環境前提，探討台灣子公司於整合架構下的角色與地位、從事之價值活動的消長。研究架構應用司徒達賢（2005）提出之六大管理元素及主軸、輔軸之組織架構分析。利用主軸與輔軸之觀念，描述其六大管理元素的變化，可以解釋雖然各個多國企業都採用產品別與地區別的混合式組織架構，但是仍有組織架構內細部狀況與區域策略的差異。個案公司為金百利克拉克公司、惠普公司、柯達公司及雀巢公司。透過訪談四家公司之高階經理人得到以下結論： 金百利克拉克公司以各區域為協調單位，各國子公司負責行銷、銷售、生產；研發統一至全球總部。因此其生產活動以「地區」為主軸，由各國負責生產活動；以功能為「輔軸」各國生產單位間相互學習技術，進行經驗分享。研發活動以「功能」為主軸，由全球研發單位統籌基礎技術之發展；以「地區」為輔軸，各地區研發單位將總部研發之科技加以應用於各產品中。銷售以「地區」為主軸，各國擁有銷售團隊服務當地客戶，並直接向各國總經理報告；以「功能」為輔軸，由各地區區域總部銷售單位給予指導，同時亦向區域總部報告各國業績機系。行銷以「地區」為主軸，由各國自行訂定行銷策略。而各產品由不同的行銷團隊負責，由全球總部指導各產品的品牌團隊，負責各子公司某產品品牌之建立，因此以「產品」為輔軸。財務以「功能」為主軸，全球總部透過區域到各國的財務體系管轄整體財務狀況；以「地區」為輔軸，各國財務長向總經理報告。 惠普公司之各國子公司獨立運作，為銷售單位。生產、研發以全球為規模進行協調。因此其生產活動以「功能」為主軸；研發以「功能」為主軸；銷售活動，企業系統及科技服務事業群以「功能」為主軸，將兩事業群銷售團隊整合為一；以「地區」為輔軸，由各地區企業系統事業群總經理整合兩銷售團隊，整合後銷售團隊向地區企業系統事業群總經理報告；另外，「產品」為另一輔軸，負責產品知識與能力的支援。各產品線相互支援，例如企業系統與科技服務事業群，以協助業務發展。個人系統及影像暨列印事業群則以「產品」為主軸，各自有銷售團隊；以「地區」為輔軸，銷售團隊報告給各地區事業群總經理。 柯達公司以區域為發展重心，如亞太區及大中華區協調行銷、財務等；生產及研發則以全球規模作協調。因此其生產活動以「功能」為主軸，以全球為基礎尋找最適的生產基地，再將產品出口至各國銷售據點。研發以「功能」為主軸，由全球總部負責研發活動。銷售以「地區」為主軸，各子公司業務團隊向子公司總經理報告後，總經理再向區域總部報告；以「功能」為輔軸，統一不同產品線的業務人員由精簡的業務人員同時負責不同產品線。行銷以「地區」為主軸，以地區為單位，進行行銷活動前半部包括創意、測試等工作以降低成本；以「功能」為輔軸，區域完成前半部工作後再交由各國行銷部門負責行銷活動後半部，如在地化修改等工作。 雀巢公司以區域為發展重心，如亞太區及大中華區協調行銷、財務等；生產及研發則以全球規模作協調。因此其生產活動以「功能」為主軸，以全球為基礎尋找最適的生產基地，再將產品出口至各國銷售據點。研發以「功能」為主軸，由全球總部負責研發活動。銷售以「地區」為主軸，各子公司業務團隊向總經理報告。行銷以「地區」為主軸、「功能」為輔軸，與柯達公司之組織架構有相同情形。 除上述組織架構外，本研究發現以下區域化策略趨勢及特性： 1.區域整合趨勢：亞太區域內新興市場為中心再劃分初次區域。 2.多國企業市場開拓者角色之轉變：從過去以國家重心變成由區域來執行。 3.權力重心之轉移：從過去的分權（母公司對區域總部分權）再演變為集權（次區域總部對區域內各國集權，由次區域總部統籌各國決策） 4.增設新的區域成為多國企業發展新興市場的組織架構方式 。 5.子公司獨特能力影響其在區域內重要性。 6.台灣子公司在區域化趨勢下往往自主權降低，唯有擁有獨特資源或能力時，區域發展重心才不會從台灣轉移至其他國家。 7.外商在區域化趨勢下因地制宜程度降低使得本土公司在本地需求與區域需求差異大的前提下有機會侵蝕外商的市占率。