Thesis Presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the Faculty of Law, Commerce and Management University of Witwatersrand June 2016 / Zambia has had impressive economic performance in the last decade and half, however its growth remains unsustainable due to a number of factors that range from poor terms of trade to challenges in macroeconomic management. In addition, the country’s weak economic and political institutional framework characterised by insecure property rights and uncertainty in the policy environment pose further challenges to economic growth. Although the country has undertaken a number of economic reforms in recent years to spur growth, their impact has been modest because of weak institutional setups and capacity constraints. Notably, certain key policy reforms and programmes that are critical for enhancing economic performance in Zambia have not been implemented because of institutional and administrative weaknesses underpinned by policy inconsistencies and policy reversals. Against this background, the main purpose of this study is to investigate the impacts of formal institutions particularly property rights and political instability on economic growth in Zambia. It achieves this by extending Fedderke et al. (2011)’s time series on property rights and political instability measures on Zambia by constructing comparable indices that are later merged with the initial series. The merged series are then used to capture the institutional dimensions on economic output in Zambia from 1965 to 2010. The study uses in its methodology a PSS-F test to determine causality among variables of interest and later applies the VECM estimation procedure to determine cointegration and long-run relationships among the regressors. Despite the increasing role and influence of formal institutions in economic development, there have been relatively few empirical studies that have specifically examined their impacts at country level. This study is therefore an attempt to partially fill the void by throwing light on the impact of property rights and political instability on Zambia’s economic growth over the study period. The study findings have confirmed the hypothesis that there is a strong and positive relationship between property rights and the level of economic growth. The results have been validated using Zambia as a case study and hence the findings are consistent with empirical evidence and economic theory in new institutional economics (NIE). Noteworthy is the strong and positive effect of property rights on real GDP—clearly suggesting that potential investors will always take into account a country’s institutional environment before investing their resources. This means that a good performance in the rating of the property rights index on the scale between 0 and 100 leads to a corresponding strong economic performance in Zambia. By implication, a higher rating of the property rights index suggests a well secured regime of property rights. Conversely, a lower rating of the property rights index implies deterioration in the quality and enforcement of property rights in the country and hence adverse to economic growth. Thus, the findings are in line with several similar empirical works that conclude that formal economic institutions (property rights) are the fundamental cause of income differences and longrun growth between and among countries. As expected, our study also found a strong but negative relationship between political instability and economic performance. This means that perverse political institutions such as violent civil protests, political violence, attempted military coups, labour and/or industrial unrest in Zambia are a disincentive to economic growth as they discourage long-term investments. Investors are generally driven by perceptions, that is, the more politically stable an economy is assumed to be, the higher the chances of attracting foreign direct investments. Conversely, the stronger the negative perceptions about an economy the less likely will investors bring in their resources—hence the need for political stability. The findings are consistent and comparable to many other studies that found that political instability was significantly related to economic growth and that an increase in instability, other things being equal, always tends to lower real growth rate over time. The study also examined the impacts of selected macroeconomic policy variables namely foreign direct investments (FDI), credit to the private sector (CRDTP), trade openness (TROP), capital formation (CALARAT) and human capital (ENROLL) on Zambia’s real GDP and found that they had a strong feedback effect on growth performance. In terms of policy implications, the study recommends that authorities should invest in efforts that strengthen the regime of property rights and the rule of law for strong economic performance in Zambia. More specifically, the authorities should respect and enforce private property rights through impartial courts of law to instil confidence in the investor community. In addition, the government should promote social dialogue and foster an environment of industrial harmony to avoid labour-related unrest and political conflicts (political instability) that have a potential to hurt the business environment by scaring off would-be investors. / MB2016

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management (ENVC) Johannesburg, 2017 / The ability of immigrants to craft successful livelihoods in the harsh economic climate that seems to overwhelm the local population has led to them being blamed for the unfortunate plight of South Africa’s poor, with the result that there has been targeted violence on immigrants in recent years. Informal sector entrepreneurship is at the heart of this with immigrants said to be outperforming local entrepreneurs, and taking away the last option of earning an income. Entrepreneurship is quoted as the only lasting solution to the poverty and unemployment that plagues developing countries. The ability of immigrants to succeed in a sector that is considered unproductive is worth investigating. In this study, cross sectional data is used to compare the antecedents of Entrepreneurial Performance between foreign Immigrants and South Africans. The findings are that, while both group’s performance is affected by Entrepreneurial Action; South African performance is driven mainly by deprivation, a factor that has no effect on immigrants. This puts the recent explosive response of local entrepreneurs to immigrant competition into perspective, and necessitates interventions that will, not only curb further xenophobic violence, but up-skill local entrepreneurs and enable them to make a living out of informal sector entrepreneurship. Contrary to popular belief, none of the population’s performance was linked to Social Capital. There is no use allowing people into the country only to stifle their ability to sustain themselves. Immigrant Entrepreneurship is a reality that South Africa needs to embrace. / MT2017

Master Thesis Paper Submitted to: Wits Business School University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg, South Africa Master in Finance & Investment, 2015 / Does the volatility of the Renminbi (RMB) have any significant impact on China’s trade? This fundamental question has garnered considerable debate in both the academic and financial circles. The recent “currency wars” amongst larger economies has further fueled the question. Using a number of econometric methods, this research dissects the heart of the effect of the volatility of exchange rate on trade. The research makes crucial findings to provide an affirmative response to the central question posed. In line with most theoretical and empirical studies, the study found that volatility of exchange rate has a positive impact on trade by boosting exports and reducing imports. The appreciation of the RMB has tended to lead to a decrease in China’s global competitiveness, and often suppresses growth. The research provides an important insight on how Chinese monetary authorities can maintain the managed pegged currency system while simultaneously expanding economic growth. Key words: Exchange rate volatility; trade balance; imports; exports; causality; appreciation; depreciation. / MT2016

Thesis presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities, at the University of the Witwatersrand, July 2017 / Just over ten years ago on night of the 28th of August 2006, angry mobs took to the streets of Masiphumelele township outside Fish Hoek, near Cape Town, and attacked and looted foreign national spaza shops in the neighbourhood. The attacks shocked the city, and prompted the provincial government to initiate an intervention to address the underlying causes of the violence. The outcome comprised an agreement between foreign national and South African spaza shopkeepers that permitted foreign nationals to return on condition that they did not open any new shops in the township. These mediation efforts comprised the beginning of many governance interventions in Cape Town and across the country that were aimed at curtailing foreign national spaza shops in South Africa. This thesis examines formal and informal attempts to govern foreign national spaza shops in South Africa, and seeks to understand what they reveal about the nature of politics in South Africa, as a postcolonial and developing country. In doing so it locates itself in the theoretical framework of law and society, as it examines legal phenomena from a social science perspective. Its findings are based on case study methodology involving qualitative interviews with key participants and stakeholders, as well as document collection, participant observation, and media reports. The research finds that many governance actors’ anxieties towards foreign national spaza shops relate less to shopkeepers’ particular activities and more to South African traders’ abilities to incite local socio-economic discontent against these shops, and thereby threaten political establishments. However, governance interventions rarely unfolded as intended due to resistance by competing interest groups who sought to advance their private economic concerns rather than public and political rights. This invokes features of Hannah Arendt, Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben’s theories of the ‘social’ or ‘biopolitics’, which argue that the entry of economic concerns into the political sphere is characteristic of the modern age. The thesis therefore reflects on Arendt, Foucault and Agamben’s theories in assessing what governance efforts reveal about the nature of South Africa’s political sphere. It finds that the social realm in South Africa differs from their accounts in two significant respects. First, the social sphere is conflicted between various economic goals – with parties seeking to foster basic life and sustenance, as well as to advance the emancipation of citizens from the colonial legacies of apartheid through economic mobility and opportunity. This makes finding a path to advance overall economic advancement in the country more difficult and contentious. / XL2018

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in 25% fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Management (in the field of Public and Development Management), 2016 / Financial inclusion has taken centre stage in the development agenda in the 21st century. This was widely noticed after the global economic meltdown in 2008 where multinational companies faced bankruptcy and many people were negatively impacted. Financial inclusion is defined as being the state in which all people have access to appropriate and desired financial products and services. It is believed to be a key component of the financial sector and has been hailed by its proponents to be a positive driver of economic growth and poverty reduction. Financial inclusion is anchored on one pivotal concept which is financial literacy, or the ability of individuals to use knowledge and skills gained from financial education for betterment of their lives. The significance of financial inclusion has been acknowledged by many countries and Lesotho is no exception. The Support to Financial Inclusion in Lesotho (SUFIL) project was implemented with the aim of improving financial inclusion in Lesotho. This research was undertaken to ascertain the extent to which the SUFIL has achieved its aims and objectives. Overall, while there are some areas that require review or improvement, the project has had a positive impact in improving financial inclusion in Lesotho. / XL2018

This research report serves to explore how women living in Tembisa, the second largest township in Johannesburg, South Africa, create and maintain highly flexible and mobile personal networks, to maximize their access to financial and social capital in order to improve individual and household resilience to food insecurity. What are the strategies that are adopted, created and manipulated in the daily lives of the food insecure in an attempt to attain a semblance of food security for themselves, their households and their communities?

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, for the degree of Master of Arts, November 1998. / The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a regional organisation that emerged from a situation of inter-regional and ethnic discord, into a largely unified body. In effect, the organisation underwent a transformation from confrontation to co-operation. This dissertation charts the historical regional situation, covering the period from ASEAN's formation in 1967 up to 1981. The dissertation further analyses the rationale for the evolution of this collaborative association, providing the basis for the key argument of the hypothesis, which states that threats to regional security and stability during this period served as the primary catalyst for greater co-operation between member states. This thesis therefore opposes the generally held view that economic imperatives were the principal drivers of increased regional co-operation in the South East Asian region. / MT2017

A dissertation presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree at the African Centre for Migration and Society, Faculty of Humanities at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, February 2017 / In Johannesburg, the Somali migrant community has set up businesses in Mayfair. Mayfair is a suburb situated on the western side of Johannesburg’s original central business district, and has gradually witnessed a process of urban change and transformation outside the regulations of the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan. Based on the regulations of the area, 8th Avenue is zoned for residential use. However, at the moment, the area has witnessed radical changes, which have seen people engage in many unplanned activities. Such developments have not gone unnoticed by the City of Johannesburg’s Urban Planning officials, who argue that the area is zoned for residential purposes and laws have to be adhered to before the space is altered from residential to business use. However, the Somali business migrants in the area continue change the residential component of the area, despite the laws against such construction. The research report looks at how Somalis in Mayfair continue to change the 8th Avenue area, despite the City of Johannesburg’s restrictions around the use of space as business. Engaging in this concept of human-non-human interaction, derived from Actor Network Theory (ANT), the research explains how materials and artefacts of the city, in this case, land use regulatory tools, assist in regulating social and spatial conduct, and human activities. In what then follows, the research traces how Somali migrants of Mayfair interact with the City of Johannesburg’s urban management and planning practices through the movement of written materials that challenge urban management and usage. The research also illustrates, using de Certau’s theory on strategies and tactics, how bureaucratic actions (through written documents) divide the city residents as well as city planners to create certain alliances, as well as tactics in the development of Mayfair. The research finally shows, using Lefebvre’s theory of the right to the city, how Somalis migrants take possession of space and use the concept of the right to the city, as urban inhabitants, instead of relying on their right as refugees or asylum seekers. Keywords: Migration, Somalis, Mayfair, City of Johannesburg, Urban space, appropriation, negotiation, written documents / GR2018

Submitted to the Development Studies, School of Social Sciences in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Development Studies University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa 2016 / The predatory state has received considerably less attention than the developmental state in the development literature. In this thesis I probe three understudied questions on the characteristics of the predatory state and its construction. First, what are the underlying class forces and power dynamics of a predatory state and how does it function? Second, what are the modes of accumulation that characterise the predatory state? Finally, what are the implications for development outcomes? This thesis answers these questions by examining Zimbabwe’s power elite (state, military and business) anti-developmental accumulation patterns across key economic sectors: land and agriculture, mining, transport and energy, and banking and finance. I adopt an historical approach beginning in the colonial period to understand the key choices made to explain the changing role of the state in mediating accumulation patterns and implications for development in both pre- and post-independence periods. Based on my empirical research, I suggest that the predatory state is a ruling class anti-developmental accumulation and reproduction project characterised by: (1) party and military dominance in the state; (2) state-business relations shaped by domination and capture; and (3) state-society relations shaped by violence and patronage. I differentiate the notion of predation from most political economy approaches on post-colonial Africa that emphasise the absence of central authority. I challenge the developmental state concept that views the predatory state as simply the opposite of a developmental state. Finally, I also show that contrary to suggestions that the predatory state is autonomous from society, the predatory state is also in fact deeply embedded with business albeit in a different way. / GR2017

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 1979 / The central focus of this thesis is on the machinery of planning in tae Lesotho Government and the tasks which it endeavoured ;o initiate and administer. One objective of the study has therefore been ti furnish a detailed internal history of those departments of" Government (in particular, the Central Planning and Development Office) principally concerned with planniig. The primary purpose, however, lias been to use this casu study to provide an insight into the nature of the bureaucracy and, mere specifically, into its attitude toward, and capability of Initiating, reform. The study thus relates to one of the major issues of concern to political and administrative analysts of underdeveloped and recently politicallyindeoendent states: namely the compatibility or otherwise of the ’bureaucracy* with 'reform' and 'development'. Planning wa. selected as an appropriate focal point for this analysis, since it had generated such great expectations in the early post-colonial period. It was common to the administrative experience of many new state that the establishment of a central planning office was considered to be one essential early step toward change and progress. The detailed case study covers the administration of planning in Lesotho for the ten years between 19^5 and 1975• It commences immediately before the establishment of the Planning Office, obt.vrvcs its establishment, the problematic early years of minimal advance and, later, its more rapid growth and relatively enhanced efficiency. A portrayal of this history as a subunit struggling to increase its influence in conflict and competition with other subunits of a large bureaucratic organization, presents a more accurate representation than one Which suggests the evolution of tic planning machinery as part oi a s'- Totic exercise in administrative reform. next section, which relates and discusses the visws and concerns of the participants themselves, is intended Co offer further insight into the •official mind' of the Lesotho bureaucracy, and thus to supplement the case study. A brief examination of the principal features of Lesotho's economy follows. This reveals clearly that the me L. trends are towards a deipening state of underdevelopment and a steadily growing dependence. The record of a deteriorating economic predicament is Jux+*posed with the strengthening of the planning machinery and so throws into question the role of the bureaucracy in a situation of this nature. At the cloaa, three approaches to public administration in underdeveloped countries are discussed as a means of interpreting wlia t , exactly, lias been observed. Ihe 1 irst conclusion is tliat the case a^udy reveals a strengthening of the planning machinery which would satisfy the very m dest requirements of reform as understood by the 'African Public Administration and Management' movement. Taking note of the manner in which the planning machinery has grown and also of certain practices and policies of the civil service as a whole, the second conclusion is that the changes observed fall far short of the demands of the 'development administration' movement; there was little serious interest in the type oi reform which that movement proposed. v- brief discussion of the 'bureaucracy' and the 'migrant worker , set against the background of economic deterioration and increasing dependence, leads to the final conclusion. This confirms the 'underdevelopment and dependence' movement's perception of the role of the bureaucracy in the post-colonial or,,. Lesotho's civil Service was gaining material advantage from, and serving to abet, the forces of underdevelopment. In the i trial analysis, therefore, the case observed is one of administration for underdevelopment; tliat is, underdevelopment administration.