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Despite analysts' predictions and assertions prior to the 2016 presidential election, the Hispanic vote did not prove decisive. Donald Trump's victory elucidates a new electoral calculus, one that will be ruled simultaneously by changing demographics and the backlash against such change. While Hispanic voters largely supported Hillary Clinton, structural and individual impediments hinder their access to the voting booth and their turnout on election day. This thesis explores the reasons why the Hispanic electorate did not prove decisive in the 2016 presidential election. It further illuminates the changing Electoral College map, in which the Midwest and the Rustbelt are determined by an older white electorate and the South and Southwest are determined by an influx of minorities and immigrants, namely the Hispanic electorate. The 2016 presidential election illustrates the demographic changes and subsequent backlash that will persist over the next decade. A growing Hispanic population and electorate will eventually alter the political calculus of national and state elections, but turnout among white voters will continue to prove decisive in the near future. White backlash and transactional voting (e.g. economic, religious) clearly clinched Trump's success in crucial swing states, ultimately securing his Electoral College win. A review of polling prior to the 2016 election, as well as case studies of economic transactional and Hispanic Trump voters, demonstrates the breakdown across party and state lines that ensured Trump's Electoral College victory, despite a large and expanding Hispanic electorate. While it will continue to grow exponentially, it is unlikely that the Hispanic electorate will prove decisive as soon as the 2020 presidential election, but it will inevitably determine national and state elections within the next decade.

This thesis takes a conversation-analytic approach examining the pragmatic functions of the linguistic marker "first (off/of all)" in second-pair-part (i.e., responsive) position relative to questions. Using data from question-answer sequences in the 2015-2016 U.S. Presidential Republican primary debates, I propose six claims regarding the composition, position, and action of what is referred to as the practice of "First"-prefacing. Analysis reveals that "First"-prefacing projects the displacement of a response (conforming or non-conforming) to a question. In projecting the displacement of a response, "First"-prefacing does two things: (1) it projects that the unit(s) of talk to come immediately next will be something other than a response, and thus this "first" matter should not be heard as being designedly "responsive" to the question; and (2) it claims that a conditionally relevant response to the question is forthcoming after the "first" matter is resolved. Debaters largely used "First"-prefacing to temporarily "get out from under" a question's conditional relevancies in order to "reach back" beyond the question and perform actions more properly sequentially fitted to earlier portions of the debate (e.g., defend themselves, make additional comments, counter-criticize other debaters). The more general function of "First"-prefacing as a misplacement marker is discussed, and its existence in ordinary conversation is briefly demonstrated.

This study takes a qualitative approach to contextualizing and examining the communication of the so-called Kremlin trolls on Twitter, in relation to two major political processes that occurred in 2016, namely the Brexit referendum and the U.S. presidential election. Moreover, the study examines the news media of the two respective countries’ portrayal of the “Kremlin trolls”. The study assesses and problematizes mainstream application and contemporary usage of terminology in relation to two phenomena central to this thesis, namely: “Kremlin trolls”, and “fake news”. The study reconceptualizes the respective concepts into the “Kremlin meddlers” and “deceitful news”, as it was found those terms more accurately reflect both phenomena. Two sets of empirical data are examined in the thesis, one of which consists of 62 posts derived from 14 accounts of the Kremlin meddlers’ Twitter accounts. The other consistsof 30 articles stemming from 10 different news outlets, 5 of which were U.K. news outlets and 5 U.S. news sites, covering the political spectrum from one end to the other. The study applies one theoretical framework toexamine both sets of empiricaldata, namely Teun van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Analysis. The Kremlin meddlers’ Twitter accounts used two strategies to influence the electorates of both countries, one of which was to hide under the guise of pseudonyms impersonating actual citizens of the two nations. The other strategy employed by the meddlers was to maintain accounts that simulated news outlets, acting and appearing much like a legitimate news outlet would on the platform. The communication of the Kremlin meddlers was primarily aimed atsupporters of the ideological right by (re)producing discourse highly critical of the ideological left, this is particularly so for the Twitter accounts seeking to impersonate actual people. The pursuit of ideological polarization is centralin their communication.In the news media’s portrayal of the meddlers,differences are foundacross the ideological spectrum. The study identifies three themesin the discourse; one portraying the meddlers’ in a humanizing view, one creating a Them vs. Us categorization between Russia and the West, and the last focusing on the meddlers’ impacton democratic processes. Intrinsic to all of the themes is the (re)production of elite discourse, primarily seen through the selective use of voices from the symbolic elite to construct the social reality.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-04-26T14:39:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 vanildagomescantarinodemagalhaes.pdf: 1723088 bytes, checksum: 933a66aff04b35f333af436bf3bcc982 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-05-09T12:12:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 vanildagomescantarinodemagalhaes.pdf: 1723088 bytes, checksum: 933a66aff04b35f333af436bf3bcc982 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-09T12:12:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 vanildagomescantarinodemagalhaes.pdf: 1723088 bytes, checksum: 933a66aff04b35f333af436bf3bcc982 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-23 / A partir da mútua influência estabelecida entre os campos da mídia e da política, a presente dissertação se propõe a discutir inicialmente a centralidade do campo midiático na contemporaneidade e o crescente processo de midiatização da vida social. A pesquisa desenvolve um estudo sobre as estratégias políticas e midiáticas utilizadas pelos candidatos à Prefeitura de Juiz de Fora em 2016 – Bruno Siqueira (PMDB), Margarida Salomão (PT), Noraldino Junior (PSC) e Wilson Rezende (PSB) – a partir da análise dos programas do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) e das respectivas fanpages. O estudo concentra-se durante o primeiro e o segundo turnos da eleição municipal de Juiz de Fora em 2016. Como fundamentação teórica, o artigo discute como a interface mídia e política gera uma campanha personalista e espetacular (GOMES, 2004; MANIN, 1995). São apresentados informações e dados sobre a regulamentação da propaganda eleitoral, que, em 2015, teve alterações e foi reduzida na mídia massiva (ALDÉ; BORBA, 2016), o papel da TV e o seu lugar de destaque no consumo de mídia em Juiz de Fora (CHAVES, 2016). Discute-se o papel da internet e das redes sociais em campanhas eleitorais no Brasil desde a eleição de 2010, que representou o marco da utilização desse novo tipo de mídia. Como técnica metodológica para análise dos dados, recorreu-se à Análise de Conteúdo (BARDIN, 1977). São analisados e catalogados, de acordo com Oliveira (2004), os segmentos de campanha e metacampanha, os tipos de linguagens utilizadas e se estas se adaptam à gramática da mídia. Nas fanpages, é analisado se há uma recorrência ou não dos temas tratados no HGPE e a ênfase nos segmentos de metacampanha. Parte-se da hipótese de que vivencia-se uma transição dos modelos de propaganda política, passando para um modelo híbrido entre mídias massivas e mídias digitais que se complementam. / Based on the mutual influence established between the fields of media and politics, this dissertation proposes to initially discuss the centrality of the media field in contemporary times and the growing process of mediatization of social life. The research develops a study on the political and media strategies used by candidates for the City of Juiz de Fora in 2016 – Bruno Siqueira (PMDB), Margarida Salomão (PT), Noraldino Junior (PSC) and Wilson Rezende (PSB) – from the analysis of the Free Election Hours (HGPE) programs and their respective fanpages. The study focuses on the first and second rounds of the municipal election of Juiz de Fora in 2016. As a theoretical foundation, the article discusses how the media and political interface generates a personalistic and spectacular campaign (GOMES, 2004; MANIN, 1995). Information and data on the regulation of electoral propaganda are presented, which, in 2015, changed and was reduced in the mass media (ALDÉ; BORBA, 2016), the role of TV and its place in media consumption in Juiz de Outside (CHAVES, 2016). We discuss the role of the Internet and social networks in electoral campaigns in Brazil since the 2010 election, which represented the milestone of the use of this new type of media. As a methodological technique for data analysis, we used Content Analysis (Bardin, 1977). According to Oliveira (2004), the campaign and metacampaign segments are analyzed and cataloged, the types of languages used and if these are adapted to the grammar of the media. In the fanpages it is analyzed whether there is a recurrence or not of the subjects treated in the HGPE and the emphasis in the segments of metacampanha. It starts from the hypothesis that we experience a transition from the models of political propaganda, moving to a hybrid model between mass media and digital media that complement each other.

This diploma thesis is focused on the topic of cleavages and their development in the Slovakian party system and society. The thesis chronologically interprets the evolution from the year 1990 until the current years, specifically until the 2016 election. In the beginning, the Slovakian party system and society were split up, similarly to other post-communist countries going from communism to anticommunism. When this topic is solved, other traditional cleavages come to mind as they are as well described by classical theoreticians. These cleavages can be activated by themselves, or become less important through time and social and political development. Other studies or thesis of Slovakian authors prove this idea. This known development is usually only addressed until the year 2012, that is why the main aim of this thesis is to analyze, continue with other results and find out how the situation regarding this issue has evolved before the election in 2016. It is important to analyze cleavages and other topics which divide the society and political parties from the point of view of the effect the cleavages have on the stability of the party system. It influences the number of them and the relationships between them which can be cumulative or cross cutting. Since then it is possible to determine...

The arrival of the Big Data era has become a major topic of discussion in many sectors because of the premises of big data utilizations and its impact on decision-making. It is an interdisciplinary issue that has captured the attention of scholars and created new research opportunities in information science, business, heath care, and many others fields. The problem is the Big Data is not well defined, so that there exists confusion in IT what jobs and skill sets are required in big data area. The problem stems from the newness of the Big Data profession. Because many aspects of the area are unknown, organizations do not yet possess the IT, human, and business resources necessary to cope with and benefit from big data. These organizations include health care, enterprise, logistics, universities, weather forecasting, oil companies, e-business, recruiting agencies etc., and are challenged to deal with high volume, high variety, and high velocity big data to facilitate better decision- making. This research proposes a new way to look at Big Data and Big Data analysis. It helps and meets the theoretical and methodological foundations of Big Data and addresses an increasing demand for more powerful Big Data analysis from the academic researches prospective. Essay 1 provides a strategic overview of the untapped potential of social media Big Data in the business world and describes its challenges and opportunities for aspiring business organizations. It also aims to offer fresh recommendations on how companies can exploit social media data analysis to make better business decisions—decisions that embrace the relevant social qualities of its customers and their related ecosystem. The goal of this research is to provide insights for businesses to make better, more informed decisions based on effective social media data analysis. Essay 2 provides a better understanding of the influence of social media during the 2016 American presidential election and develops a model to examine individuals' attitudes toward participating in social media (SM) discussions that might influence their decision in choosing between the two presidential election candidates, Donald Trump and Hilary Clinton. The goal of this research is to provide a theoretical foundation that supports the influence of social media on individual's decisions. Essay 3 defines the major job descriptions for careers in the new Big Data profession. It to describe the Big Data professional profile as reflected by the demand side, and explains the differences and commonalities between company-posted job requirements for data analytics, business analytics, and data scientists jobs. The main aim for this work is to clarify of the skill requirements for Big Data professionals for the joint benefit of the job market where they will be employed and of academia, where such professionals will be prepared in data science programs, to aid in the entire process of preparing and recruiting for Big Data positions.

with which results. Through the analyses of data collected from Facebook's profiles of regional

Annotation1 This diploma thesis aims on the migration as a topic of regional election in 2016. This topic became resonating in Czech environment and appeared at several political subjects across the political spectrum. The author focuses on four regions in this thesis: South-Moravian, Moravian-Silesian, Plzeň region and Ústecký region. In respect of these territorial units the author aims on topic of migration, considering election 2016 as well as 2012, in order to clarify if the topic of migration is entirely new or it has already shown up in the czech political environment in previous election. The author aims on the first and second order election problematics in the the2 sis and also studies the role of the party's center and periphery in the regional election 2016 and 2012 in the territorial units mentioned above respectively.The author supports the research with a survey. The thesis consists of two levels. First is teoretical part, where the author defines the concept of migration, its kinds, etc. The author also explaines the theory of first and second order election. Following practical part operates with individual political programs, articles and election results. Main goal of the thesis is to answer the question if the migration was one of the main topics of regional election 2016. Another goal...