Abstract Foreign embassies communication of culture in Sweden Number of pages: 45 Author: Erik Lundin Tutor: Göran SvenssonCourse: Media and Communication Studies C Period: Spring Term 2012 University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University. Purpose/Aim: To investigate how a embassy communicate the culture from their nativecountry, to find out how their communication is structurized, to investigate how ever aembassy have other purposes for their culture communication rather then the obvious Economic and political aspects and to find out if there are any differences in the cultural communication between different countries . Material/Method: I carried out three different interviews with three representatives from the countries Canada, Slovakia and the Philippines. I then analyzed the results from the interviews with my chosen theories, four step public relations process, Culture Diplomacy and Competitive identity. Main results: I reached the conclusions that the chosen embassies communicate their nativecountries culture on a preferable way and that culture have a high priority to communicate tothe embassy. Their communication organization is strictly hierarchic with the Government of their native country as the shaper of communications strategies and policies. There are several other aspects to why the culture communications is current in the embassies agenda, among these is the possibility to connect on friendly basis and to cooperate with the purpose to  spread their culture in the countries they are posted in. There are many similarities in the culture communication of the embassies, but not so many differences. Keywords: Embassies, Culture Communication, Communication Structures.Communication Purposes.

This case study focuses on the current purpose of the Art in Embassies (AIE) program that is run by the U.S. Department of State. More specifically, it examines how the temporary exhibition of art placed in Reykjavik, Iceland by AIE aids in fulfilling that purpose. I sought to determine how the U.S. Embassy in Iceland uses the exhibition and accompanying catalogue produced by Art in Embassies to educate visitors about American culture and aid in the embassy's cultural diplomacy efforts. I accomplished this by conducting interviews with the ambassador and Public Affairs staff in Reykjavik, members of the AIE staff, artists whose work was included in the exhibition, and Icelanders who had the opportunity to view the art in the ambassador's residence. My goal in researching this topic was to contribute to our understanding of the role visual art can play in cultural diplomacy. Initially, it was unclear to me how education factors into Art in Embassies, given that access to the art is limited. It is now my belief that there are certain posts around the world that are working to utilize their AIE exhibition to its fullest potential, and they should be commended for their efforts. However, much more needs to be done to encourage all ambassadors to use art as a tool for diplomacy. The lack of current research on Art in Embassies was a chief motivator for conducting this study. In recent years, the number of people researching the field of cultural diplomacy and writing on why the U.S. government should better engage in it has steadily increased (Cummings, 2003; Hurlburt & Ivey, n.d.; Sablosky, 2003; Schneider, 2002/2009). Despite this fact, little has been done to address this issue. As a well-established government program focused on art and culture, Art in Embassies is uniquely positioned to engage audiences around the world by harnessing the power of art to foster goodwill and mutual understanding. / text

Paulino José Soares de Souza, visconde do Uruguai atuou fortemente no âmbito da política externa do Brasil Império no período compreendido entre 1849 e 1865. Apesar de já ter ocupado o Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros entre 1843 e 1844, é somente a partir de sua segunda gestão à frente da referida pasta que se pode vislumbrar a adoção de uma política exterior mais ativa. Grande parte da historiografia considera o ano de 1849 como um ponto de inflexão na política exterior do Império, que se até então lidava com questões pontuais, passou a ter uma atuação mais ampla. Saindo do ministério em 1853, não deixou de ser figura central na área, sendo membro atuante da Seção de Justiça e Negócios Estrangeiros do Conselho de Estado, além do papel que cumpriu nas discussões acerca da abertura do rio Amazonas à navegação estrangeira. Ainda que a historiografia já tenha se dedicado a analisar as questões externas do governo imperial (mas dando preferência a tratamentos pontuais), e também a própria atuação política de Paulino de Souza, nenhum trabalho se debruçou especificamente sobre as concepções de política externa do futuro visconde, e tampouco sua importância singular para essa reconfiguração da atuação brasileira frente às nações estrangeiras, e que marcaram os rumos da política externa nas décadas subsequentes (e nas quais se envolveu diretamente até 1865). / Paulino José Soares de Souza, Viscount of Uruguay, played a strong role in the Brazilian Empire\'s foreign policy in the period between 1849 and 1865. Despite having already occupied the Ministry of Foreign Affairs between 1843 and 1844, it is only from his second time in the administration that we can see the adoption of a more active foreign policy. Much of the historiography considers the year 1849 as a turning point in the foreign policy of the Empire, which until then dealt with specific issues, began to have a broader role. Leaving the government in 1853, he was a central person in the area, being an active member of the Justice and Foreign Affairs Section of the Council of State, as well as the role he played in the discussions about the opening of the Amazon River to foreign navigation. Although historiography has already been dedicated to analyzing the external issues of the imperial government (but giving preference to punctual treatments), and also the political performance of Paulino de Souza there is no work that focus specifically on the foreign policy conceptions of the future Viscount, nor his singular importance of this reconfiguration of Brazilian action vis-a-vis foreign nations and which marked the course of foreign policy in subsequent decades (and in which he became directly involved until 1865).

Magistro darbe išanalizuoti smulkių įmonių valdymo ypatumai užsienio firmų atstovybių Lietuvoje kontekste. Anketinės apklausos būdu surinkti duomenys leido nustatyti ir įvertinti valdymo teigiamas ir neigiamas puses smulkaus verslo įmonėse, turinčiose veiklos ryšių su užsienio firmomis. Atlikto tyrimo rezultatai leido iš dalies patvirtinti autorės suformuluotą hipotezę, kad užsienio firmos atstovybės, kaip atskiros įmonės, steigimas – tai viena iš smulkaus verslo įmonių steigimo formų, pastaraisiais metais aktyviai plėtojamas Lietuvoje. Daugelis įmonių, atstovaudamos užsienio firmas veikia daugiau nei penkis ar dešimt metų. / The Master’s degree paper provides the analysis of small business enterprises government peculiarities in context of foreign firm embassies in Lithuania. The survey data allowed us to establish and evaluate the features of government in small business enterprises, working with foreign firms. The research results partly confirmed the author’s hypothesis that the institutions of embassies like small enterprises – one of the forms of small business enterprises, lately developing in Lithuania. Lots of small enterprises are working like foreign firm embassies in Lithuania for five or ten years.

This study aims at examine if an Europeanization is affecting the bilateral diplomatic relation between Sweden and Italy as managed by the national embassies. The questions asked to pursue the aim are; how the bilateral diplomatic work is managed between the countries, are there any signs of Europeanization within this relation or is it still contingent on intergovernmental principles? In this study an analytical model is created and used to analyze how the bilateral diplomacy between Italy and Sweden is managed through the embassies. The discussion on top –down Europeanization by Tanja Börzel is central to the development of the analytical model. Indicators of Europeanization are generated and applied in the empirical analysis. The empirical material is based on documents and interviews.   One general conclusion of this study asserts that there is no direct top-down Europeanization going on within the national bilateral diplomacy. Another one affirms that an indirectly top-down Europeanization on an embryonic stage may be going on within the embassy-driven bilateral work carried out between the EU member states.

Paulino José Soares de Souza, visconde do Uruguai atuou fortemente no âmbito da política externa do Brasil Império no período compreendido entre 1849 e 1865. Apesar de já ter ocupado o Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros entre 1843 e 1844, é somente a partir de sua segunda gestão à frente da referida pasta que se pode vislumbrar a adoção de uma política exterior mais ativa. Grande parte da historiografia considera o ano de 1849 como um ponto de inflexão na política exterior do Império, que se até então lidava com questões pontuais, passou a ter uma atuação mais ampla. Saindo do ministério em 1853, não deixou de ser figura central na área, sendo membro atuante da Seção de Justiça e Negócios Estrangeiros do Conselho de Estado, além do papel que cumpriu nas discussões acerca da abertura do rio Amazonas à navegação estrangeira. Ainda que a historiografia já tenha se dedicado a analisar as questões externas do governo imperial (mas dando preferência a tratamentos pontuais), e também a própria atuação política de Paulino de Souza, nenhum trabalho se debruçou especificamente sobre as concepções de política externa do futuro visconde, e tampouco sua importância singular para essa reconfiguração da atuação brasileira frente às nações estrangeiras, e que marcaram os rumos da política externa nas décadas subsequentes (e nas quais se envolveu diretamente até 1865). / Paulino José Soares de Souza, Viscount of Uruguay, played a strong role in the Brazilian Empire\'s foreign policy in the period between 1849 and 1865. Despite having already occupied the Ministry of Foreign Affairs between 1843 and 1844, it is only from his second time in the administration that we can see the adoption of a more active foreign policy. Much of the historiography considers the year 1849 as a turning point in the foreign policy of the Empire, which until then dealt with specific issues, began to have a broader role. Leaving the government in 1853, he was a central person in the area, being an active member of the Justice and Foreign Affairs Section of the Council of State, as well as the role he played in the discussions about the opening of the Amazon River to foreign navigation. Although historiography has already been dedicated to analyzing the external issues of the imperial government (but giving preference to punctual treatments), and also the political performance of Paulino de Souza there is no work that focus specifically on the foreign policy conceptions of the future Viscount, nor his singular importance of this reconfiguration of Brazilian action vis-a-vis foreign nations and which marked the course of foreign policy in subsequent decades (and in which he became directly involved until 1865).

In the current state of the world, embassies provide a crucial perspective to world matters as an inspectional office to view the status quo from the front row of the global politics. The embassies as organizations are sensitive and reactive to the events in the global politics, making them organizations worth studying for more profound in the various levels they impact. The critical focus on the international event in this study was the Russian launched full-scale war on Ukraine and how the embassies and their employees reacted to it. The end goal of this study is to report the possible change and its impacts on the core work of the employees inside the embassies and how much they have to adapt and further develop their daily tasks and duties. This study was done from the qualitative perspective by conducting interviews and then analyzing the critical themes of the data and viewing the results in this research problem through the Social System’s Theory, which emphasizes the reactiveness and interdependencies of the different systems that work together and the Social Ecological Model that builds the understanding on three different levels on the world society and how they correlate from one to another. The change in the core work was reported to go from a broader perspective to individual employees and the other way around from employees to the organizations, producing change in multiple levels of the system. It was interesting to find out how individual experiences correlate with the broader worldwide reactions and how the work motivation is experienced in a situation such as this.

Les ambassades des cités d’Asie Mineure constituent un poste d’observation commode pour qui veut apprécier les évolutions politiques et institutionnelles qui travaillèrent les communautés grecques de l’irruption des légions en Orient à la fin du Haut-Empire. Cette enquête portant sur un temps long permet notamment de cerner les évolutions dans les raisons qui poussaient les cités à en référer aux autorités romaines. Si l’institution du principat constitua une rupture indéniable en personnalisant les relations entretenues par les communautés de l’Orient grec avec une Rome conçue jusque-là par elles comme une puissance collective, il n’en reste pas moins que plusieurs éléments de permanence prouvent que la mue des ambassades civiques d’actes éminemment diplomatiques en faits purement administratifs n’était pas totalement réalisée à la fin du IIe siècle apr. J.-C. Les pratiques ambassadoriales ont quant à elles fortement évolué, car elles étaient tributaires des mutations institutionnelles, diplomatiques mais aussi sociales du monde romain. Toutefois, on a pu entrevoir à travers plusieurs phénomènes de contournement par les communautés grecques des normes diplomatiques romaines l’aspiration persistante des entités civiques à manifester une forme de vie extérieure, et donc un semblant d’autonomie à l’égard de Rome. Malgré l’apparition, notamment au sein des élites civiques, d’un discours dépréciatif condamnant l’envoi intempestif de délégations, dépêcher pour de bonnes raisons une ambassade à Rome permettait de donner à voir, non plus la liberté absolue de l’entité émettrice, mais le dialogue qu’elle était capable d’instaurer avec les maître du monde antique. / Asia Minor cities embassies are a good vantage point to assess political and institutional evolutions that went through Greek communities from the arrival of legions in the East to the end of the Early Empire. This investigation focuses on a long time scale that allows us to see evolutions in the reasons why cities would refer to Roman authorities. Principate institution was a break away in the relationships between oriental Greek communities and Rome, that they considered until then as a joint power. However, many continuities show that civic missions haven't quite shifted from being diplomatic acts to purely administrative facts at the end of the 2nd century. Ambassadorial practices have evolved a lot, being linked to institutional, diplomatic and social mutations of the Roman world. However, the several workarounds of Roman diplomatic rules can be seen as a persistent will for Greek communities to express their autonomy towards Rome. Despite the outbreak, especially among civic elites, of critical views towards inopportune delegations, sending a mission to Rome for good reasons would allow to show, not the complete freedom of the sending entity, but the dialog that it was able to establish with the masters of the antique world.

1 Abstract Adamů Miloš: Czechoslovak Embassy in Moscow in the years 1945-1948 Praha: The Faculty of Arts of Charles University in Prague, 2011 188 s., The diploma thesis. The thesis monitors and evaluates the activities of the Czechoslovak Embassy in Moscow in the critical post-war years 1945-1948. It attempts to process the structure of the diplomatic and partly personnel corps, including changes that gradually occurred in the office. The task of the thesis is also monitoring the influence of inland events on the running of the embassy and its important leaders in those four years. The thesis largely follows the events of February 1948, which meant milestone situations for the Czechoslovak Embassy's activities and significantly influenced the lives of most of its employees. The ambassadors take the important place and they are given a high attention. The thesis also notes the fates of the selected persons in 1948. Key words: Embassies, Diplomatic Corps, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Soviet Union, MID, National Front, the political parties of NF, communism, action committee.

This dissertation focuses on public diplomacy efforts targeted at persuading other countries to strengthen their domestic and international climate change policies. While previous research on climate diplomacy has addressed the global negotiations extensively, the role of embassies and the interplay between diplomats, their partners and the instruments and storylines they employ, has so far not received the scholarly attention it deserves. This is despite the fact that such behind-the-scenes outreach is one of the most promising tools available to engage other states. The dissertation aims to fill this literature gap by examining climate public diplomacy conducted by embassies and consulates of four EU states: the UK, Germany, Sweden and Denmark. The European Union, and these states in particular, were chosen because they have sought to portray themselves as leaders in tackling climate change while undertaking extensive climate diplomacy. The United States and China were chosen as target states since they have been the main focus of EU climate diplomacy, due to their position as the two largest aggregate contributors to climate change. The dissertation addresses public diplomacy in the field of climate change applied to both the federal/national and subnational levels of governance of these states. The main research question tackled by this dissertation is: What role do embassies and consulates play in climate diplomacy, and how effective is this diplomacy? In answering this, the research focuses on identifying environmental discourses and framings of climate change employed by embassies/consulates for different audiences, and assesses the impact of these frames. A central finding was a strong trade and growth orientation of climate diplomacy. The diplomatic network identified industry, especially fossil-fuel intensive businesses, as allies. Some companies that were embassy partners supported climate denial behind the scenes.