Zugl.: Zürich, Hochsch. für Angewandte Psychologie, Dipl.-Arbeit

Hochsch. für Sozialarbeit, Diplomarbeit u.d.T.: Heitlinger, Simone Anna: Grenzerfahrung Spiritualität--Bern, 2005, was Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter einer Langzeitpflegeinstitution mit Spiritualität verbinden und welche Wirkung dies auf ihren Berufsalltag zeigt.

Zweite Studienarbeit Hochschule für Angewandte Psychologie Zürich, 2005.

Zweite Studienarbeit Hochschule für Angewandte Psychologie Zürich, 2006.

Diplomarbeit Hochschule für Angewandte Psychologie Zürich, 2007.

Diplomarbeit Hochschule für Angewandte Psychologie Zürich, 2007.

Through cooperation, it is possible to achieve goals that are impossible to accomplish as an individual. However, there are also risks that lie in cooperation. A partner might be tempted to abandon a joint endeavor. Forming joint commitments can help to reduce the uncertainty and facilitate cooperation. The first study, explored children’s reactions to a partner’s failure to perform their role in a joint commitment. Three-year-olds showed more protest against a partner who defected selfishly and knowingly, but restrained from protest if a partner stopped cooperating due to a reason outside of his control. Interestingly, they also tried to teach their partner if he appeared willing but incompetent. In the second study, I investigated whether 3- and 5-year-olds could be bribed to abandon a collaborative partner who relies on them, a dependent partner with whom they made an explicit joint commitment, or an independent partner. Children of both ages showed some level of commitment to their partner in the face of alternative individual rewards if an explicit joint commitment was formed. However, only 5-year-olds understood a partner’s dependence as a binding obligation. The third study asked whether children understand the dissolvability of joint commitments and explored their reaction to a partner’s disengagement from a joint task depending on how the partner dissolves the commitment. Children accepted a partner’s disengagement after a proper and joint revocation and resented a partner who just left the task or did not dissolve appropriately. Taken together, the studies demonstrate that at 3 years of age, children understand the obligations that lie within an explicit joint commitment both when it is owed to them and when they owe it to a partner. Competencies regarding more implicit and situational commitments seem to develop later at around 5 years of age.:Table of Contents Acknowledgements 1 General Introduction 1.1 Cooperation – a note on terminology 1.2 Theoretical perspectives on cooperative actions 1.2.1 Michael Bratman on defining features of a shared activity 1.2.2 Raimo Tuomela on social modes of cooperation 1.2.3 John R. Searle on the role of shared intentions in joint action 1.2.4 Stephen L. Darwall and the second-personal standpoint 1.3 An evolutionary perspective on cooperation - the Interdependence Hypothesis 1.4 Joint Commitments 1.4.1 Margaret Gilbert – commitments in the strict sense 1.4.2 John Michael – the sense of commitment 1.5 Children’s developing understanding of and competences to collaborate and engage in joint commitments: Empirical Findings 1.6 Focus of the Dissertation 2 Study 1: Three-Year-Olds’ Reactions to a Partner’s Failure to Perform Her Role in a Joint Commitment 2.1 Introduction 2.2 Method 2.2.1 Participants 2.2.2 Materials and Design 2.2.3 Procedure 2.2.4 Coding and Reliability 2.3 Results 2.3.1 Analysis 2.3.2 Protest 2.3.3 Tattling 2.3.4 Emotional Arousal 2.3.5 Teaching 2.4 Discussion 3 Study 2: Three- and 5-year-old children’s adherence to explicit and implicit joint commitments 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Methods 3.2.1 Participants 3.2.2 Materials and Design 3.2.3 Procedure 3.2.4 Coding and Reliability 3.3 Results 3.4 Discussion 4 Study 3: Three- and 5-year-old children’s understanding of how to dissolve a joint commitment 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Method 4.2.1 Participants 4.2.2 Materials and Design 4.2.3 Procedure 4.2.4 Coding and Reliability 4.3 Results 4.3.1 Protest 4.3.2 Latency before playing alone 4.3.3 Scold the puppet 4.3.4 Bracelet for the puppet 4.3.5 Bead sharing and tattling 4.3.6 Preferred future play partner 4.4 Discussion 4.5 Appendix Summary Zusammenfassung References Wissenschaftlicher Lebenslauf Verzeichnis wissenschaftlicher Publikationen Nachweis über Anteile der Co-Autoren Selbstständigkeitserklärung

Individuals endowed with a ‘Theory of Mind’ (‘ToM’) understand themselves and others as agents whose actions are driven by unobservabl e psychological states. How and when human infants come to such an understa nding has been extensively resear ched in the visual domain. In my dissertation, I addressed three gaps in the extant literature about what great apes’ know about others' visual perceptions and perceptual beliefs. In study 1, I investigated orangutans’ understanding of visual attenti on and others’ visual perspectives in a competitive situation. Overall, the results suggest that orangutans have a limited understanding of others’ perspectives, relying mainly on cues from facial and bodily orientation and egocentric ruleswhen making perspective judgements. In study 2, I explored whether apes and 20 month old human infants requesting a desired object from a human experimenter would use communicative means to direct visual attention towards the object. While infants used pointing to alter the experimenter’s focus of attention, we found no evidence that apes’ employ their point gestures in this way. In study 3, I examined chimpanzees’ and 5.5 year old human children’s understanding of perceptual beliefs. By designing two novel false belief tasks which required reduced executive functioning, I attempted to find out whether chimpanzees’ historical failure in explicit false belief tasks was due to their lack of inhibitory control Neither the chimpanzees nor the 5.5 year-olds succeeded in the novel tasks.

In der vorliegenden Arbeit wurden bei einer Untersuchungsgruppe von 40 deutschen Vätern eines erstgeborenen Kindes (städtische Mittelschicht) die Komponenten des Vater-Erlebens Selbstkonzept, Elterntheorien und Rollenerleben untersucht. Dabei dienten das Komponentenmodell des Elternverhaltens von Heidi Keller mit seinem soziobiologischen und humanethologischen Hintergrund sowie der Ansatz independenter und interdependenter Selbstkonzepte von Markus und Kitayama als theoretische Grundlage. Als ein Ergebnis der Untersuchung konnte die Stabilität der Inhalte der Elterntheorien und des Selbstkonzeptes der Väter über einen Zeitraum von 15 Monaten (Alter des Kindes mit drei und 19-20 Monaten) für die Mehrzahl der verwendeten Kategorien nachgewiesen werden. Bei den Elterntheorien erwiesen sich allerdings ausschließlich solche Inhalte als stabil, die einem independenten Selbstkonzept zuzuordnen sind. Als ein weiteres Ergebnis der Untersuchung konnten die folgenden Variablen als fördernde Faktoren eines hohen väterlichen Wohlbefindens identifiziert werden: Kontakthäufigkeit zum Kind, Vateridentität während der Schwangerschaft, eine geringe Anzahl weiterer Rollen neben der Vaterrolle sowie eine geringe Belastung im Alltag. Dabei wurde das Konzept des subjektiven Wohlbefindens zugrunde gelegt. Das Selbstkonzept der Väter konnte als angenommene weitere Einflussgröße nicht bestätigt werden.Überdies wurde die Rolle integrativer Kompetenzen der Väter bei der Konsolidierung des Wohlbefindens untersucht. Die Konzepte Kohärenzgefühl und Handlungsorientierung wiesen dabei positive Zusammenhänge zum subjektiven Wohlbefinden der Väter auf. Die Variable Handlungsorientierung nach Misserfolg konnte darüber hinaus als vermittelnder Faktor zwischen der Belastung der Väter und ihrem Wohlbefinden ausgemacht werden.

This dissertation presents three studies that examined the effects of diverse cultural backgrounds on maternal socialization strategies and how these were related to the development of their pre-school aged children. Specifically, the investigations focused on mother-child discourses about past events when children were three and four years of age. The present work systematically applied the ecocultural approach by investigating relatively homogenous samples, which were selected based on population parameters and sociodemographic characteristics. These sociocultural contexts represented three different cultural models: (1) the model of psychological autonomy (urban middle-class families from Western societies), (2) the model of relational adaptation (rural farming families from no-Western societies), and (3) the model of autonomy-relatedness (urban middle-class families from non-Western societies). We could demonstrate that the three cultural models manifest in mother-child reminiscing: both, how mothers and children reminisced -the structure- and what they talked about -the content. Mothers of the psychological autonomous contexts structured conversations with many elaborations and evaluations in order to actively involve the child to participate. On the content level, conversations were child-centered, with many child references and talk about personal judgments and opinions. Consequently, children were more expressive and self-centered in these contexts. Thus, conversations mirror the socialization strategy and social roles associated with the cultural model of psychological autonomy: The mother treats the child as a quasi-equal interlocutor and reinforces the child to express her- or himself. Mothers of relational adapted contexts structured conversations rather rigidly by using many repetitions, and few elaborations and evaluations. On the content level, they focused more on social contexts than on the child compared to the autonomous contexts. Accordingly, children contributed less information to conversations and showed a greater focus on social contexts. Thus, conversations mirror the socialization strategy and social roles associated with the cultural model of relational adaptation: The mother is the expert and the child the adaptive apprentice. There was greater heterogeneity for conversational structure and content of mothers and children from autonomous-related contexts. However, overall they mirrored the hybrid orientation in their cultural emphases. The different reminiscing styles and thematic foci were thus meaningful within the different sociocultural environments and fostered children’s cultural development of becoming a competent societal member. Furthermore, we could also demonstrate variations within the elaborative style of mothers all valuing autonomy. Thus, when looking at more specific categories, differences also existed among cultural contexts with the same cultural model. Children’s internalization of the respective cultural orientation was also mirrored in another, adult independent task we conducted: children’s self-drawings. Children of autonomous contexts drew themselves bigger -pronounced and space-demanding- whereas children of the relational contexts drew themselves smaller -mirroring greater self-effacement. Drawings of children from the autonomous-related contexts were intermediate in size. Correlation patterns among maternal and child variables varied across the different cultural contexts. Thus, the studies support the notion that psychological processes have to be considered and interpreted in relation to the sociocultural context in which they unfold. This refers to level-oriented (mean differences) as well as functional (correlation based) analyses: Becoming a competent member of a specific cultural context requires very different skills within universal domains, such as mother-child discourse. Additionally, in this process the effect of socialization strategies on the adults’ part may vary across different sociocultural contexts. Results are also discussed in light of practical implications for culture sensitive intervention programs.