Much attention has been devoted in the social sciences to the reorganisation of the moral order of society (Smart, 1999). This reorganisation means that responsibility for welfare is now located with the individual. In spite of the salience given to privately held responsibility for welfare in social policy, little work has been carried out on the discourses underpinning this way of distributing responsibility (Finch and Mason, 1993, Duncan and Edwards, 1999, Rowlingson, 2002). Work on this issue is especially timely as New Labour continues the privatisation of responsibility for welfare in a way that, many people believe, neglects a moral dimension. Instead, New Labour favours a more ethical construction that exhorts the individual to do her duty by which they mean she should work for her own betterment and well-being (Levitas, 1998, Giddens, 1998, Jordan, 1998, Lund, 1999). This work begins by situating responsibility as a historically variable and discursive construction, uncovering how the understanding of responsibility changed as the problem focusing the minds of social engineers altered from one of poverty to one of security in the 1970s. While responsibility has only recently been identified as a particular issue for social policy academics (Roche, 1992, Dwyer, 1998, Dean et aI., 2004) philosophers and sociologists have paid close attention to responsibility over the past decade (Bauman, 1993, 1995, Habermas, 1990, 1995, Apel, 1989, 1996, Etzioni, 1995, Schmidtz, 1998, Goodin, 1998). Building on the issues raised by these authors, this work presents a qualitative study of government press releases, interviews with benefits recipients, members of the general public, welfare advisors and welfare benefits administrators to explore the rational structure of the discourses of responsibility for welfare. As a result, I develop the argument that while the reconfigured moral order promotes a private acceptance of responsibility for welfare, people still want a way of interpreting responsibility taking in a more public way.

This study explores the extent and depth of moral obligations in international relations, and how our collective understanding of these obligations has changed in the post-Cold War era. The genocides in Rwanda (1994) and Srebrenica (1995) raised questions about the moral legitimacy of states ravaged by human rights violations, and about the responsibility of outside states to protect innocent civilians from being massacred across political and cultural boundaries. In this context, the concept of humanitarian intervention as an expression of international moral responsibility emerged as one of the most controversial foreign policy issues of our time. The formal and unanimous adoption of the doctrine known as the Responsibility to Protect (ICISS, 2001) by the United Nations General Assembly (2005), and the subsequent ratification by the U.N. Security Council, reiterated our collective responsibility when faced with situations of grave human rights violations. Nevertheless, the international community repeatedly fails to respond adequately to atrocities. By comparing the nature of, and moral justifications for, the U.S. response to the atrocities in Rwanda (1994), Darfur (2003-2007), and Libya (2011), this study reveals that, despite inconsistencies in policy, the solidarist values reflected in Responsibility to Protect are evolving along Finnemore and Sikkink’s (1998) “norm life cycle.” Yet, it also cautions against the reliance on the “humanitarian impulses” of world leaders in internalizing this expanded notion of moral responsibility in international relations. Beyond the transitory nature of political will, this dependence fails to address the underlying assumptions generating inconsistencies in international moral decision-making. This study suggests that in order to ameliorate the problem of inconsistent responses to situations of mass atrocities, deeper issues related to realist assumptions upon which the international system is based may be involved, demanding attention and reassessment.

This thesis selects a topic of ethics and morality, namely of their meaning, individual features and also their usage in the world of finance among professional accountants and auditors. It is focused mainly on present state however a historical background is also included. The objective of this thesis is to introduce both selected professions so the reader will be able to self-assess sufficiency and deficiencies of ethical standards and customs of modern ethics. The thesis also compares ethical regulations of these professions through its description. Considerable attention is also devoted to simple analysis of ethical behavior, its quality and support in the most globally integrated professional services organizations.

Diploma work aims on ethics education for pre-school children. First gives theoretical frame with specification of terms as etics, morality and definition pre-school period from development a psychological perspective. Approaching selected fields of children's moral development and show it in connection with traditional and contemporary strategy of education. In comparison is showing differences and conformity in particular conceptions. Practical part apply specific project realized last year with small group of pre- school children in selected kindergarten/nursery school. Work think about question of strengthening moral and ethics education in contemporary education system of pre-school teaching and suggest targeted intensification of discussion between teachers and children on chosen ethical topics.

No description available.

The study examines SA‟s human rights diplomacy in Africa and the selected countries, namely Libya, Nigeria, the Sudan and Zimbabwe during the presidencies of Presidents Mandela and Mbeki. When SA decided to follow an ethics based foreign policy, especially in the area of human rights, it joined a number of countries who had adopted a similar approach such the United States of America, the Netherlands and Australia. These countries have an established history of human rights diplomacy which is supported by institutional and policy frameworks. The study argues that although both presidents were committed to a human rights oriented foreign policy, due to constraints that they faced in the continent human rights issues were not consistently and concertedly pursued by them, especially following SA‟s 1995 engagement with Nigeria during the term of the Sani Abacha government. These constraints led to a major shift in SA‟s human rights diplomacy. This shift entailed a move away from unilateral action to reliance on multilateral forums to deal with human rights challenges; the development of continental norms and standards, as well as strengthening continental structures; and conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction and development in Africa. This shift became evident in the content of Departmental strategic plans, and reporting both internally and externally to oversight structures such as Parliament. Hardly any proactive plans were developed to address human rights issues in any of the individual countries. Reporting to Parliament also focused on developments at a multilateral level both at the UN and AU with little coverage of human rights issues in individual countries. The use of multilateral bodies such as the SADC to address human rights issues became more pronounced, the Zimbabwean crisis being the case in point. Despite the merits of the collective approach, its value is diminished if it is undertaken to the exclusion of bilateral engagements by South African diplomats in specific countries or if gross human rights violations are not raised in multilateral bodies. Similarly, the significance of the normative framework and requisite structures cannot be doubted, but because the results of these initiatives are only realisable in the medium to long term, this approach needs to be buttressed by bilateral diplomatic engagements. During the period from 1994 to 2008, SA also engaged in a number of conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction and development initiatives. These interventions averted human rights violations by securing peace as well as facilitating the development of constitutional and related frameworks to ensure the protection of human rights in the affected states. In conclusion, with the exception of Nigeria, SA hardly intervened on its own to intercede on behalf of victims of civil and political rights violations in any of the four states covered by the study. Its approach undermined its commitment to promote and protect human rights in the African continent. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2015 / Political Sciences / MA / Unrestricted

MousePunk är en undersökning som strävar efter att inkludera de två observerbara lek- och spelstilarna i digitala spel, som tydligt skiljer olika personer åt och projektet visar att spelstilarna är beteendemönster som finns omnämnt i moraletiken. Redan hos barn är dessa beteende observerbara i deras sätt att leka. De två olika stilarna är Justice och Care och i jämförelse med andra spel i den valda spelgenren som främst bejakar Justice ger en inkludering av båda spelstilarna en ökad möjlighet för narrativ och spelmekanik. Eftersom de två beteendemönstren dessutom är observerbart uppdelade mellan cis-män och cis-kvinnor är det även inkluderande att balansera dessa spelstilar i ett spel. Därför har projektet behandlat och utrett hur ett CRPG kan se ut om det balanserat bejakar båda beteendestrukterna oavsett genus. Genom att kombinera nyckelprinciper i Justice och Care och destillera ner beteendestrukturerna till drivkrafter hos den enskilda individen har projektet sammanställt en gestaltning som balanserar spelstilarna med varandra. / MousePunk is a study that strives to include the two observable play styles in digital games: Justice and care. It shows that the playing styles are behavioural patterns that are mentioned in morality (this statement is still hanging-needs more substantion). Even in children, these behaviours are observable in their way of playing. In comparison with other games in the chosen game genre that mainly affirm Justice, the inclusion of both game styles provides an increased opportunity for narrative and game mechanics. In addition, since the two patterns of behavior are observably divided between cis-men and cis-women, it is also inclusive to balance these playing styles in a game. Therefore, the project has dealt with and investigated how a computer role playing game (CRPG) can look like if it equally affirms both behavioural structures regardless of gender. By combining key principles in Justice and Care and distilling them down to the driving forces of the individual, the project has put together a design that balances the playing styles with each other.

The thesis "Ethical aspects in the New Year's speeches by Vaclav Havel" interprets and evaluates the content of the New Year's speeches by President Havel in the light of civil and political ethics. In the study part first deals with the theoretical background (the areas of ethical consideration; relationship of ethics, politics, freedom) and also represents Havel`s ethical and philosophical dimension (the philosophical roots and sources of inspiration - the ideas, personalities). The core of thesis analyzes the ethical content and the development of the main ideas New Year's speeches, as well as their contribution to value creation on the road to moral autonomy and a more mature political culture. From the perspective of a new relation and in the context of the former regime, the last chapter reflects on Havel's considerations of ethical topics that are necessary for meaningful functioning of person in society with regard to civil and political ethos. Keywords Vaclav Havel, New Year`s speeches, ethics, political ethics, truth, love, conscience, liberty, responsibility, morals, morality, values, democracy, totality, civil courage.