Rural-urban differentials in fertility behaviour are neither new nor surprising, but a difference of over four children per woman as observed between rural Ethiopia and the country's national capital, Addis Ababa, in 1990 is rare, possibly unique. Reported fertility in Addis Ababa in 1990 was about 2.6 children per woman. By the mid-1990s, it declined further to 1.8 children per woman. This study investigates the dimensions, components and causes of this remarkable reproductive change. ¶ The study specifically asks and seeks to answer the following questions. Is the decline real, or is it merely an illusion created by faulty reporting? If it is real, how has it come about? Did it result from a change in the onset of reproduction or a decline in the proportion of women reaching high parities or both? And in what context has such a fundamental, even revolutionary, change taken place in a country and a continent that are mostly yet to join the global transition to a small family-size norm. ¶ Data for the study were drawn from two national population censuses, undertaken in 1984 and 1994, two fertility surveys, conducted in 1990 and 1995, and a number of supplementary sources, including a qualitative study conducted by the investigator. Results from the study confirm that the trend of declining fertility and the recent fall to below-replacement-level are indeed real. As the analysis shows the decline was largely driven by changes in the marriage pattern, and supplemented by the increased propensity of fertility control observed across all birth orders and age groups. All socio-economic groups in the city have had a decline in cohort fertility and this was brought about both by shifts in population composition (a composition effect) and increased intensity of fertility control within each group (a rate effect). The institutional and cultural factors that are believed to have prompted these changes are discussed in the thesis in some detail.

Coverage of the Third World by the media in the developed Western nations has been a subject of intense debate among scholars since the 1970s. Some of the outspoken media critics have pointed to certain imbalances in Western media reporting on some parts of the world, including African countries. Such imbalances range from inadequate coverage to emphasis on crisis news events. Other critics argue, however, that Western news reporting on African countries, for example, is crisis-oriented because that is the kind of news those countries offer to the media given the recurrence of various forms of crises there. The 1984-85 Ethiopian famine was one such crisis that received extensive coverage in the Western media. Criticisms of this coverage served to fuel a growing concern among African and other intellectuals, particularly about one aspect of Western media reporting: the failure of those media to put into adequate context African events on which they report. Some critics have pointed out, for example, that although environmental decline is a major underlying cause of famine in Africa, it does not receive attention in Western media coverage of this recurring crisis. This is in spite of the pioneering role of the latter in the promotion of environmental issues in the West as a major social and political concern. From a much broader perspective, however, it appears that the case of imbalanced reporting on Africa in the Western media is not an isolated one. A number of studies on news reporting suggests that the criticism of imbalances in Western news reporting may have more to do with the nature of Western news values than with a wilful attempt on the part of the Western media to report on particular countries in those terms. Thus reporting on African countries by the Western media could be one typical example in which standard Western news practices come into full play. Against this background, the present study sought to investigate Western media coverage of Africa as viewed in terms of the application of Western news values. First, using qualitative analyses of relevant literature, the study undertook a contextualisation of crisis events in African countries, with special reference to famines, by identifying environmental degradation as a crucial factor in the unfolding of such crises. This included explanations for the apparent neglect of African environmental issues by Western media. Discussion on the environment was set in a wider context of a global environmental crisis. The qualitative analyses also examined the issue of imbalances, such as the focus on crisis and the lack of context, in Western media coverage of Africa. This was explored within a theoretical framework that encapsulates aspects of the political economy of the mass media, political ideological differences, and culture as some of the theoretical propositions used by some media researchers to explain imbalances in international news flow. Second, the study used the quantitative research technique of content analysis to carry out a longitudinal investigation of reporting on African countries in general during 1982-87 as well as a case study of the 1984-85 Ethiopian famine by three Western dailies: The Times of London, the New York Times, and the Sydney Morning Herald. An IAMCR (International Association for Mass Communication Research) coding scheme was adopted for this purpose. With regard to the qualitative analyses, the study found that even though environmental decline is a major underlying cause of many of Africa's ongoing and recurring crises such as famines, it may not receive attention in Western media reporting on those crises. This appears to be because the nature of Africa's environmental problems does not meet Western news value criteria. As regards the content analyses, the study found, in both the longitudinal and case studies, a dearth of reporting in all three dailies on African environmental issues and an orientation towards reporting events as discrete events, with little or no attention to underlying or contextual information. Crisis and non-crisis events in Africa were found to be, however, equally reported in most of the sample years studied in two of the three dailies. The focus of reporting on the Ethiopian famine was found to be on Western relief activities and on the bizarre or sensational side of the disaster - aspects of reporting that fit into standard Western news practices.

<p><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3"> <p align="left">Despite wide acceptance of Voluntary Counselling and Testing (VCT) as a crucial entry point for the prevention, treatment, care and support of HIV-infected persons / the prevalence of testing in Ethiopia remains very low. A review of the literature identifies the set of factors that influence HIV testing of individuals to include socio-economic and demographic factors, knowledge of HIV/AIDS, risk perception, fear of stigma, social capital and the perceived benefit of VCT. By drawing assumptions based on the known literature, this mini-thesis explores the relationship between VCT usage and the above factors in order to explain the status of HIV testing in Moher and Aklil district, Gurage Zone, Ethiopia. The study hopes to address the dearth of material on VCT and contribute to it in a non-clinical and rural context.</p> </font></font></p>

In many African countries, including Ethiopia, decades of ruthless dictatorships and civil war, were followed by an almost universal demand for democracy combined with a seemingly willing leadership. However, two decades since this significant upsurge to adopt democratic governance, many are left wondering about the depth of commitment to this effort and the sincerity of political leaders. In fact, many dictators and autocrats have adopted the language of democracy and some of its formal elements. Academics, donor countries, and international organizations are struggling to identify an appropriate model of governance. The theory of semi-authoritarianism strives to address this issue of ambiguity by placing the responsibility for democratization, or the lack thereof, with the political leadership. The argument here is that many countries seemingly in transition are not. Rather, they are semi-authoritarian by design as the political elite has a vested interest in preventing democratic consolidation. The theory of semi-authoritarianism attempts to explain the continuation of false democracies. However, the theory is too broad and superficial, it raises just as many questions as it attempts to address. The attempt to classify and explain emerging political trends in countries such as Ethiopia without an appreciation of deeper forces beyond elite manipulation can jeopardize a realistic appraisal of the fate of democracy.

It has been repeatedly observed that home and local context matter in the education of children. A smooth transition between home and classroom prepares children for enjoyable and meaningful life-long learning. Knowledge building in children is influenced by previous experience, values, beliefs and sociocultural factors associated with community. Against this theoretical background, the thesis examined the integration of local spiritual and cultural values to improve science education in Ethiopia. This autoethnographic research used in-depth interviews, supplementary observations and focus group discussion and my biography to identify the perception and practice of common and unique spiritual and cultural values. The study examined whether these values were included and/or excluded in the school curriculum and explored the possibilities for incorporating values in science education and the anticipated tensions resulting from their inclusion. Students, science teachers, parents, employers, curriculum experts, policymakers, elders, and religious leaders participated in the research, conducted in a randomly selected secondary school in Addis Ababa. The sampling followed a kind of snowball method, with a total of twenty key informants participating in interviews, fifteen classroom observations, and one focus group discussion. The data collection aimed at generating stories, which underlie the autoethnography methodology. Findings indicated that belief in and fear of God animated and sustained the Ethiopian way of life. Although spiritual teachings derived from sacred writings were the initial foundation for Ethiopian cultural norms, the two merged together later, creating a mosaic pervading every aspect of life in Ethiopia. Education was sustained on this merger of spiritual and cultural norms and values. It was also shown that the now century-old system of formal education did not incorporate those local spiritual and cultural values. Current science education also has little relationship to Ethiopian spiritual and cultural norms and is, therefore, in need of restoration. Findings showed that efforts to recapture local spiritual and cultural values in the curriculum may encounter obstacles and tensions. Clearly, the future of a more prosperous Ethiopia depends on the extent to which curriculum stakeholders can overcome these obstacles and put in place a relevant, contextual, and holistic education.

Abstract This paper examines the lessons Ethiopia can learn from East Asia’s growth to sustain its recent economic growth. By an in-depth analysis of the role of government in East Asian’s development it provides recommendations for Ethiopia. The study is based on the experiences of South Korea, Taiwan and Japan in the context of three issues: selective intervention policies, coordination problem and export orientation. Results of the study show that governments in East Asia have used phased selective intervention mechanism to nurture their industries and coordinated private investment to ensure national development. They have also targeted export markets to make their firms competitive and upgrade exports from primary products to higher value goods. The selective intervention suggests a greater role for government, however targeting of exports and the efficiency from international competition indicates the virtue of market mechanisms as well. Government intervention however must be phased, moving from targeting primary products to higher value goods. This paper suggests that government intervention has to be supplemented by a government-firm relationship that avoids too much government autonomy, which is meant to solve rent-seeking problem. Rent-seeking problem can instead be solved through performance requirement and time limits on protection.

The present study focuses on the analysis of physico-chemical parameters: electrical conductivity, nitrate and phosphate in the Akaki River basin of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. These secondary water quality parameters were obtained from two different sources: the surface water quality data both for Little and Great Akaki were retrieved from Addis Ababa Environmental Protection Agency (AAEPA). Whereas, the groundwater quality data for four water wells were obtained from Addis Ababa Water and Sewerage Authority (AAWSA). These water quality parameters have been determined in order to assess the pollution levels of Akaki River basin. The values of the parameters have been evaluated with respect to the maximum acceptable standard level of WHO (World Health Organization) for surface and drinking water. The outcome of the study observed absence of spatial and temporal pattern both on surface and groundwater but displayed a huge variation. The result also showed increasing concentration and variation of all parameters inside and outside the city of Addis Ababa with increasing industrialization and urbanization. Comparison also showed that the little Akaki is highly polluted as compared to Great Akaki River. The ground water chemistry also showed a high phosphate load in all of the productive wells. On the contrary, all the wells displayed nitrate level below WHO standard and they are free from Nitrate. KEY WORDS: Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Physico-chemical, Little and Great Akaki, AAEPA, AAWSA, Spatial, temporal.

In many African countries, including Ethiopia, decades of ruthless dictatorships and civil war, were followed by an almost universal demand for democracy combined with a seemingly willing leadership. However, two decades since this significant upsurge to adopt democratic governance, many are left wondering about the depth of commitment to this effort and the sincerity of political leaders. In fact, many dictators and autocrats have adopted the language of democracy and some of its formal elements. Academics, donor countries, and international organizations are struggling to identify an appropriate model of governance. The theory of semi-authoritarianism strives to address this issue of ambiguity by placing the responsibility for democratization, or the lack thereof, with the political leadership. The argument here is that many countries seemingly in transition are not. Rather, they are semi-authoritarian by design as the political elite has a vested interest in preventing democratic consolidation. The theory of semi-authoritarianism attempts to explain the continuation of false democracies. However, the theory is too broad and superficial, it raises just as many questions as it attempts to address. The attempt to classify and explain emerging political trends in countries such as Ethiopia without an appreciation of deeper forces beyond elite manipulation can jeopardize a realistic appraisal of the fate of democracy.

Thèse de doctorat--Archéologie--Paris 1, 2003. / Bibliogr. p. I-XVI.

Thesis--Giessen. / At head of title: Institut für Agrarsoziologie der Justus Liebig-Universität Giessen, Fachbereich 20. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 268-279).