The goal of this work is to provide an account of dative clitic dependencies in constructions with raising verbs such as to seem in Romanian. Dative clitic experiencers as quirky subjects and dative clitics in clitic left dislocation (CLLD) constructions are discussed from a syntactic point of view and experimentally tested in a psycholinguistics study. The study contributes to current innovations in the Minimalist Program, presenting new perspectives on Romanian clitic dependencies in raising constructions partially addressed in earlier generative grammar. This study poses new questions regarding raising, the intervention effects of dative clitic experiencers, and the effects of clitic dependencies in ditransitive constructions. Chapter II presents an overview of Romanian raising constructions without dative experiencers. I show that Romanian possesses three raising constructions, based on the type of the embedded clause: subjunctive, infinitive, and indicative. Each of these has three potential locations for the nominative subject, argued to be generated in the embedded clause. Formal mechanisms such as Long Distance and Multiple Agree, Movement, Case and EPP are considered independent of one another. Dative clitic experiencers in raising constructions, analyzed in Chapter III, are claimed to be quirky subjects and to structurally occupy the highest position in the sentence. Having established the role of dative clitic experiencers, I discuss raising constructions involving dative experiencers generated and/or surfacing in various positions, and their effects on operations such as Agree and Move. I then discuss Experiencer Islands, formed by matrix and embedded experiencers in the same utterance, and present the contexts in which they occur. A Grammaticality Judgment Test confirms the existence of such restriction in Romanian. Furthermore, I present an analysis of Experiencer Islands and discuss observed exceptions to the restriction. Dative clitic dependencies such as CLLD constructions and Long Distance CLLD Constructions are also analyzed in this thesis. The experimental study presented in Chapter IV supports theoretical claims and demonstrates that Romanian speakers are aware of dative clitic dependencies, such as clitic experiencer dependencies and clitic dependencies in CLLD constructions, possess the grammatical knowledge of biclausal constructions involving dative clitic dependencies and have the ability to recognize such dependencies.

The goal of this work is to provide an account of dative clitic dependencies in constructions with raising verbs such as to seem in Romanian. Dative clitic experiencers as quirky subjects and dative clitics in clitic left dislocation (CLLD) constructions are discussed from a syntactic point of view and experimentally tested in a psycholinguistics study. The study contributes to current innovations in the Minimalist Program, presenting new perspectives on Romanian clitic dependencies in raising constructions partially addressed in earlier generative grammar. This study poses new questions regarding raising, the intervention effects of dative clitic experiencers, and the effects of clitic dependencies in ditransitive constructions. Chapter II presents an overview of Romanian raising constructions without dative experiencers. I show that Romanian possesses three raising constructions, based on the type of the embedded clause: subjunctive, infinitive, and indicative. Each of these has three potential locations for the nominative subject, argued to be generated in the embedded clause. Formal mechanisms such as Long Distance and Multiple Agree, Movement, Case and EPP are considered independent of one another. Dative clitic experiencers in raising constructions, analyzed in Chapter III, are claimed to be quirky subjects and to structurally occupy the highest position in the sentence. Having established the role of dative clitic experiencers, I discuss raising constructions involving dative experiencers generated and/or surfacing in various positions, and their effects on operations such as Agree and Move. I then discuss Experiencer Islands, formed by matrix and embedded experiencers in the same utterance, and present the contexts in which they occur. A Grammaticality Judgment Test confirms the existence of such restriction in Romanian. Furthermore, I present an analysis of Experiencer Islands and discuss observed exceptions to the restriction. Dative clitic dependencies such as CLLD constructions and Long Distance CLLD Constructions are also analyzed in this thesis. The experimental study presented in Chapter IV supports theoretical claims and demonstrates that Romanian speakers are aware of dative clitic dependencies, such as clitic experiencer dependencies and clitic dependencies in CLLD constructions, possess the grammatical knowledge of biclausal constructions involving dative clitic dependencies and have the ability to recognize such dependencies.

The goal of this work is to provide an account of dative clitic dependencies in constructions with raising verbs such as to seem in Romanian. Dative clitic experiencers as quirky subjects and dative clitics in clitic left dislocation (CLLD) constructions are discussed from a syntactic point of view and experimentally tested in a psycholinguistics study. The study contributes to current innovations in the Minimalist Program, presenting new perspectives on Romanian clitic dependencies in raising constructions partially addressed in earlier generative grammar. This study poses new questions regarding raising, the intervention effects of dative clitic experiencers, and the effects of clitic dependencies in ditransitive constructions. Chapter II presents an overview of Romanian raising constructions without dative experiencers. I show that Romanian possesses three raising constructions, based on the type of the embedded clause: subjunctive, infinitive, and indicative. Each of these has three potential locations for the nominative subject, argued to be generated in the embedded clause. Formal mechanisms such as Long Distance and Multiple Agree, Movement, Case and EPP are considered independent of one another. Dative clitic experiencers in raising constructions, analyzed in Chapter III, are claimed to be quirky subjects and to structurally occupy the highest position in the sentence. Having established the role of dative clitic experiencers, I discuss raising constructions involving dative experiencers generated and/or surfacing in various positions, and their effects on operations such as Agree and Move. I then discuss Experiencer Islands, formed by matrix and embedded experiencers in the same utterance, and present the contexts in which they occur. A Grammaticality Judgment Test confirms the existence of such restriction in Romanian. Furthermore, I present an analysis of Experiencer Islands and discuss observed exceptions to the restriction. Dative clitic dependencies such as CLLD constructions and Long Distance CLLD Constructions are also analyzed in this thesis. The experimental study presented in Chapter IV supports theoretical claims and demonstrates that Romanian speakers are aware of dative clitic dependencies, such as clitic experiencer dependencies and clitic dependencies in CLLD constructions, possess the grammatical knowledge of biclausal constructions involving dative clitic dependencies and have the ability to recognize such dependencies.

The goal of this work is to provide an account of dative clitic dependencies in constructions with raising verbs such as to seem in Romanian. Dative clitic experiencers as quirky subjects and dative clitics in clitic left dislocation (CLLD) constructions are discussed from a syntactic point of view and experimentally tested in a psycholinguistics study. The study contributes to current innovations in the Minimalist Program, presenting new perspectives on Romanian clitic dependencies in raising constructions partially addressed in earlier generative grammar. This study poses new questions regarding raising, the intervention effects of dative clitic experiencers, and the effects of clitic dependencies in ditransitive constructions. Chapter II presents an overview of Romanian raising constructions without dative experiencers. I show that Romanian possesses three raising constructions, based on the type of the embedded clause: subjunctive, infinitive, and indicative. Each of these has three potential locations for the nominative subject, argued to be generated in the embedded clause. Formal mechanisms such as Long Distance and Multiple Agree, Movement, Case and EPP are considered independent of one another. Dative clitic experiencers in raising constructions, analyzed in Chapter III, are claimed to be quirky subjects and to structurally occupy the highest position in the sentence. Having established the role of dative clitic experiencers, I discuss raising constructions involving dative experiencers generated and/or surfacing in various positions, and their effects on operations such as Agree and Move. I then discuss Experiencer Islands, formed by matrix and embedded experiencers in the same utterance, and present the contexts in which they occur. A Grammaticality Judgment Test confirms the existence of such restriction in Romanian. Furthermore, I present an analysis of Experiencer Islands and discuss observed exceptions to the restriction. Dative clitic dependencies such as CLLD constructions and Long Distance CLLD Constructions are also analyzed in this thesis. The experimental study presented in Chapter IV supports theoretical claims and demonstrates that Romanian speakers are aware of dative clitic dependencies, such as clitic experiencer dependencies and clitic dependencies in CLLD constructions, possess the grammatical knowledge of biclausal constructions involving dative clitic dependencies and have the ability to recognize such dependencies.

Diese Arbeit konzentriert sich auf die relative syntaktische Position polnis- cher inhärenter Dative. In semantischer Hinsicht schlagen wir vor, dass alle dativmarkierten Argumente in polnischer Sprache eine Entität bezeichnen, die geistig von einer Veränderung, einem Zustand oder einem Prozess betroffen ist, der im persönlichen Bereich der als Dativ-DP lexikalisierten Entität stattfindet. In syntaktischen Begriffen schlagen wir vor, dass polnische Dativ-DP Applikative sind, die von einem Appl-Kopf lizenziert wurden, und dass sie je nach ihrer syntaktischen Position in zwei Typen vorkommen, tief und hoch. Tiefe Applikative verschmelzen unter v, während hohe Applikative darüber verschmelzen. Die Verschmelzungsposition eines Applikativs bestimmt sein syntaktisches Verhalten. Wir zeigen, dass im Gegensatz zu tiefen Applikativen hohe Applikative Anaphern vorangehen können, zusätzliche Partizipialsätze kontrollieren und sekundäre Prädikate darstellen können. Wir schlagen vor, dass diese Unterschiede eine zuverlässige Diagnose für die Anwendungstypen in polnischer Sprache darstellen. Mit diesen Tests analysieren wir polnische Rezipienten und Benefiziäre als tiefe Applikative und polnische Experiencer als hohe Applikative. Darüber hinaus unterscheiden wir zwischen freien Applikativen, z. B. Benefiziäre im Polnischen, und gewählten, z. B. Rezipienten im Polnischen. Vom Verb gewählte Applikative verschmelzen zuerst als Teil von v oder der Wurzel und werden bei der Bewegung zu [Spec;ApplP] zu Applikativen. Im Gegensatz dazu werden nicht gewählte Applikative direkt in [Sepc;ApplP] verschmolzen, d. h. sie werden als Applikative geboren. Wir schlagen einen Partizipanten-Implikationstest vor, um zwischen diesen beiden Typen zu unterscheiden. Wenn wir die Analyse über polnische Dative hinaus erweitern, nehmen wir an, dass es sprachübergreifend zwei Arten von Applikativen gibt: verb-intern, projiziert als Teil von vP / VP und verb-extern, projiziert als Teil von ApplP. Wir nehmen polnische Dative als letztere an. / This thesis focuses on the relative syntactic position of Polish inherent datives. In semantic terms, we propose that all dative-marked arguments in Polish de- note an entity mentally affected by a change, state or process which takes place within the personal sphere of the entity lexicalised as a dative DP. In syntactic terms, we propose that Polish dative DPs are applicatives, licensed by an Appl head, and that they come in two types, low and high, depend- ing on their syntactic position. Low applicatives merge below v while high applicatives merge above it. The merge position of an applicative determines its syntactic behaviour. In contrast to low applicatives, high applicatives can antecede anaphors, control adjunct participial clauses and depictive secondary predicates. We propose that these differences constitute reliable diagnostics for applicative types in Polish. With these tests, we analyse Polish recipients and benefactives as low applicatives and Polish experiencers as high applicatives. Moreover, we distinguish between applicatives that are free, e.g. benefactives in Polish, and those that are selected, e.g. Polish recipients. Applicatives selected by the verb merge first as part of v or the root, and they become applicatives on movement to [Spec;ApplP]. In contrast, non-selected applicatives merge directly in [Spec;ApplP], i.e. they are born as applicatives. We propose a participant im- plication test to differentiate between these two types. Moreover, extending the analysis beyond Polish data, we hypothesise that cross-linguistically, there exist two types of applicatives, verb-internal, projected as part of vP / VP, and verb-external, projected as part of ApplP. We take Polish datives to be of the latter type.