The existing research on Latino familialism draws a distinction between the attitudes associated with familialism and familialism-based action. Because attitudes tend to be more stable when considering variables such as immigration generation status, etc., social science researchers tend to employ measures based on attitudinal aspects of familialism, rather than action or behavior. Because of this preference, there is a lack of studies that examine familialism-based action and behaviors. This dissertation consists of three unique studies that examine actions and behaviors associated with familialism, while taking into account the methodological concerns expressed by previous researchers. The first study uses nationally representative U.S. data to compare the differences in the frequency of contact with various family members, among black non-Hispanics, Hispanics, and white non-Hispanics. The central finding of this study is that Hispanics maintain more frequent contact with family than white non-Hispanics, but there is no difference between Hispanics and black non-Hispanics, with the exception of contact with fathers. The second study, which employs qualitative data collected from a metropolitan area in the Southwest U.S., examines the locus of educational aspirations and expectations among a sample of Hispanics and white non-Hispanics. Among other things, this study finds that Hispanic females were more likely than other participants to make statements that suggest the aspirations or expectations of significant others were a strong influence in the decision to attend college. This study further argues that this tendency is related to the acquiescent nature of traditional Hispanic gender norms associated with the familial concept of marianismo. Using nationally representative U.S. data, the final study finds that, other things being equal, Hispanic college students are more likely than non-Hispanic students to attend a college or university that is within fifty miles of their permanent residence. The study further finds that this tendency mediates the gap between Hispanic students and white non-Hispanic students, in terms of the selectivity level of institutions attended.

The main aim of this thesis is to analyse the Czech family policy, compare it with the Swedish family policy and ascertain whether the Czech legislation advanced to the so-called Scandinavian welfare state model in years 1995-2012. The main research questions focus on the development of the Czech legislation on parental leave and parental allowances in years during the monitored period in terms of gender-sensitive welfare state typologies and comparison of the Czech and Swedish legislation.

Cette recherche qualitative et exploratoire porte sur la construction identitaire de l’homme marié violent au Liban. Elle s’appuie notamment sur les discours de l’homme violent et de la femme violentée (récits de vie, interrogatoires juridiques, questionnaires) et aussi sur le discours de personnes-ressources non violentes. La construction identitaire de l’homme violent au Liban est liée au système patriarcal fortement ancré dans la culture, les institutions et la vie des Libanais. L’homme évolue en fonction de 3 prototypes :- masculin : dominant, pourvoyeur, protecteur, agressif- féminin : soumise, femme au foyer, disponible, douce- du couple : verrouillage des autres prototypes dans une complémentarité sexisteLa violence masculine traduit la place de l’homme dans le couple (violences symboliques et violences spontanées), elle traduit aussi sa volonté de conserver l’ordre patriarcal dans la famille car toute évolution des prototypes notamment celui de la femme est sentie par l’homme comme une menace contre sa masculinité (violences interactionnelles). La violence est accentuée car le Liban évolue sous l’empire de stress, ce qui met les rôles patriarcaux en question en permanence. La trajectoire identitaire de l’homme violent libanais montre qu’il a un père autoritaire et sévère, parfois faible. Sa mère pourrait être envahissante, absente ou ambivalente. Du point de vue couple l’homme violent cherche le couple fusionnel car il traduit parfaitement la complémentarité patriarcale sexiste. L’ordre social patriarcal libanais est en perpétuelle reproduction engendrant des hommes sexistes prêts à devenir violents. La femme est encerclée par la violence même, sa honte d’être femme battue et/ou femme divorcée, mais aussi à cause du tiers d’idéologie sexiste : parents, amis, société, institutions concernées. La lutte contre la violence conjugale au Liban doit être totale : contre la violence, les inégalités de genre et la culture patriarcale. / This qualitative and exploratory research is about the construction of the identity of the violent married man in Lebanon. It is based on different sources, the violent man, the battered woman discourse (biography, court records, and questionnaires) and the discourse of non-violent resource-person. The construction of the identity of the violent man in Lebanon is related to the patriarchal system which is strongly anchored in the culture, institution and life of the Lebanese. In this environment man evolves into three prototypes:- The masculine: dominant, protector, provider, aggressive.- The feminine: submissive, housewife, available, soft.- The couple: the clamping of the two other prototypes in one complementary sexist relationship.The masculine violence can reflect the man’s place in the couple (symbolic violence, spontaneous violence), and can also show the willingness to conserve the patriarchal order in the family because every evolution of prototypes especially the women’s role is felt by man as a threat against his masculinity (interaction violence). Violence is accentuated because Lebanon is a society under stress, which permanently distorts the masculine image. The identity trajectory of the Lebanese violent man shows that he has an authoritarian and severe father figure, or a feeble one. His mother can be overbearing, absent or ambivalent. Concerning the couple, the violent man searches for the fusional couple because it reflects perfectly the sexist patriarchal complementarity. The Lebanese social patriarchal order is in perpetual reproduction generating sexist man ready to become violent. The woman is surrounded by violence, and shame feeling of being a battered woman and/or divorced woman, and because of the others that are sexist: parents, friends, society institutions and concerned responsible. The struggle against violence can only be total: it must be against violence, gender inequality and against patriarchal society.

Cette recherche interroge les conditions de structuration et de perduration d’un engagement séparé pour les femmes dans les organisations et au sein de mobilisations agricoles bretonnes. Majoritairement composés d’exploitantes installées en couple et situés à la frontière entre associations de défense de l’égalité, cercles de sociabilités professionnelles et groupes de parole, les espaces d’encadrement agricole féminins offrent une occasion idoine de questionner non seulement l’imbrication des identités professionnelles et conjugales dans l’engagement mais également la labilité des usages rhétoriques de l'égalité et du féminisme dans des espaces professionnels non-mixtes. L’analyse de leur position dans l’espace de la représentation agricole questionne le degré d’autonomie des revendications portées au nom des agricultrices, leur influence sur les agendas organisationnels et leur effet sur la construction des carrières militantes. L’enquête s’appuie sur un dispositif cumulant une observation de quatre années des activités formelles et informelles des groupes féminins, une étude de leur documentation professionnelle, un recensement de leurs tribunes dans la presse agricole, auxquels s’ajoutent la réalisation d’entretiens avec les actrices qui y sont engagées et la constitution de données statistiques relatives aux mandats féminins dans les organisations agricoles bretonnes depuis 1990. Sur la base d’une analyse croisant les études de genre, la sociologie du militantisme et celle de la représentation professionnelle agricole, notre thèse consiste à démontrer que les groupes et mobilisations d’agricultrices forgent les contours d’une « cause de femmes » agricole mise sous tutelle des intérêts catégoriels et chevillée à l’idéal normatif de la complémentarité des sexes. En tant que réceptacles de positions professionnelles, organisationnelles et conjugales entrecroisées, les espaces de l’engagement féminin produisent des politisations ambivalentes de ces appartenances multiples, à la fois porteuses de contestation comme de reproduction des hiérarchies sexuées et de l’ordre social et politique. / This research looks into the conditions for the structuring and continuation of a separate female activism within Breton organisations and farmers mobilisations. Mainly made up of professionals living in couples and situated at the intersection between gender equality advocacy groups, professional networks and support groups, farming self-help groups are a case in point to question not only the intertwining of professional and marital identities within activism but also the lability of rhetorical uses of equality and feminism within women-only professional spaces. The analysis of their position within the farmers’ representation spaces makes it compelling to question the degree of autonomy of the claims made in the name of women farmers, their influence upon the setting of professional agendas and their impact on the development of activist careers.Evidence was collected through an apparatus which consisted in the addition of a four-year-long observation of female groups’ formal and informal activities, an analysis of their professional literature, an inventory of their opinion columns inside the farm press, to which can be added semi-structured interviews with women farmers engaged in this activism and the setting up of statistical data about female mandates within Breton farm organisations since the 1990s. Drawing on an analysis which mixes gender studies, sociology of militancy and studies of farming professional representation, this PhD aims to demonstrate that women farmers groups and mobilisations shape the features of a farming “women cause” although it is subordinated to corporatist interests and seen through the lenses of the normative ideal of complementarity between the sexes. Being a repository of interlinked professional, organisational and matrimonial standpoints, female activism spaces lead to the ambivalent politicisation of plural belongings. These multiple affiliations can be a catalyst for protest as well as a way to reproduce sexual hierarchies and social and political order.

The goal of this diploma thesis is to analyse public policies of the Czech republic and Germany which are focused on work-life balance of families with children under three years of age. In its theoretical part the diploma thesis offers description of how current changes in our society affects work-life balance, gender equality, women and their aspirations, desicion- making of families concerning their preproduction plans and fertility itself. As next this thesis brings explanation of relationship between different public policy designs and their affects on harmonization of both life spheres, gender equality and free choice of life strategy. In the anylitical part the diploma theses analyses concrete public policy instruments of both chosen countries, compares them with each other using predefined categories and offers analysis performed in the framework of familialism concept formulated by Sigrid Leitner. Finally, in the chapter "Discussion and summary of recommendation" the diploma thesis offers suggestions for modification of some concrete regulations in the Czech republic inspired by chosen regulations that are currently used in Germany and that are considered as instruments with potential to positively influent harmonization of both life spheres, gender equality and free choice of life strategy.