This dissertation examines the dynamic intersections of the relationship between migration and the far-right through three empirical, stand-alone chapters. The first substantive chapter re-evaluates existing theories of far-right support using a novel theory and comprehensive dataset to assess how immigration opinion and immigration levels interact to shape individual far-right support. The findings suggest that increases in asylum-based migration are associated with increased far-right voting, but that this is effect is mainly observed in those with negative or neutral opinions toward immigration. The second substantive chapter examines the other side of this relationship by analyzing the impact of far-right electoral and legislative success on asylum-recognition rates in EU member states. The results of empirical analyses show that when far-right parties gain legislative seats, the expected rate of asylum approvals decreases. This suggests that far-right parties in legislatures have measurable effects on migration outcomes. Finally, the third substantive chapter uses original field research to assess how far-right politics impacts the lived experiences of immigrants in France and Switzerland, relying on a small survey and interviews conducted in the field. The results show that immigrants are generally aware of far-right parties and distrustful toward them. However, undocumented migrants and asylees are among the most negatively impacted by far-right activity. Overall, this dissertation moves beyond the entrenched debate of how migration does or does not facilitate far-right support and contributes to the academic understanding of how migration and far-right politics interact.

Three models are developed to analyze the state level conditions fostering the rise of far right parties in the European Union in the last two decades. The political background of these parties is examined. This study offers a definition for far right parties, which combines several previous attempts. The research has focused on the effects of the number of the parties, immigration, and unemployment on support for the far right in Europe. Empirical tests, using a random effects model of fifty elections in eight nations, suggest that there are political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive to electoral success. Specifically, increases in the number of "effective" parties favor the far right, while electoral thresholds serve to dampen support. Immigration proves to be a significant variable. Surprisingly, changes in crime and unemployment rates have a negative effect on support for the far right. Suggestions for future research are offered.

The research focus of this study is to investigate the ways in which the so-called European refugee crisis has been socially constructed as number one urgent matter for the European community in the years between 2015-2017. Noting the unprecedented rise of the public support for far-right parties in the European polls, the goal of this study is to understand and conceptualize the ways in which the refugee crisis has been presented as an existential threat by the right-wing political leaders in the Netherlands, France and Germany, three core European members, which held elections in 2017. This has been done by utilizing the theoretical framework, composed of the Copenhagen School, as well as the categorization framework which builds upon the results from previous literature on the topic of the securitization of migration. In addition, by utilizing critical discourse analysis this study probes the hypothesis that regardless of the magnitude of the crisis, the securitizing discourses are largely revolving around four overarching realms: the identity, criminological, political and economic realm. The findings infer that the securitizing discourses of the right-wing leaders in the Netherlands, France and Germany in relation to migration are identical and are revolving around the aforementioned domains, regardless of the countries’ political landscape.

近年來許多歐洲國家的極右派政黨打著反移民與反歐洲整合之主張，受到國內民眾的支持度越來越高。然而也有些國家如荷蘭的極右派政黨之表現卻正好相反，其支持率於2010年達到高峰後便逐年下降。本論文旨在探討荷蘭極右派政黨發展之歷史、荷蘭移民政策在「自由黨」於2006年創黨前後是否發生轉變，及其在創黨後至2014年年底為止中三次國會大選中所取得之成果，且勝選後又如何依其政見主導荷蘭移民政策之產出。 除了參考許多相關學術文獻，本論文亦以歷史研究途徑與文獻分析法對荷蘭近三次國會選舉結果與移民政策法規進行研究。研究結果顯示，荷蘭移民融合政策在自由黨成立前後之方向並無太大差異，其主要轉變在1980年代以後便開始逐漸醞釀，由起初對多元主義之嘗試走向90年代強調社會參與的整合主義，並在2000年後開始實施強調荷蘭單一國族認同與主流價值觀的同化主義至今。然而在自由黨於2010年成為國會第三大黨後，其藉由支持少數聯合內閣之方式，將其反移民之理念體現在2010年的政黨協議中，使移民接納政策在依親移民、申請獨立居留與享有社會福利的等待期、對非法居留外國人之待遇，以及境外移民整合考試等規定均漸趨嚴格。 / With their political ideologies strongly against immigrants and further integration of European Union, many far-right parties across Europe have been gaining more supports than ever in recent years, while the electoral outcomes for some far-right parties appear to be totally opposite. For instance, Party for Freedom (Partij voor de Vrijheid, PVV) in the Netherlands only reached its peak of political success in 2010, after which less and less supports from the public have been shown. To know better of such an unusual circumstance, not only the development of the far-right parties in the Netherlands will be discussed, this thesis also aims to probe into the difference of Dutch migration policy before and after PVV was founded, its election results in three times of general election until the end of 2014, and how it once successfully influenced the making of Dutch migration policy. In addition to taking many related literatures into account, in this thesis the results of the recent three times of general election, migration policy, migration law and regulations in the Netherlands are also being analyzed with historical approach and document analysis. The finding shows that there has been no major changes to Dutch integration policy before and after PVV was founded, for they already started to change gradually from multiculturalism in 1980s to integrationism in 1990s, and ended in assimilationism in 2000s as of today. Futhermore, after PVV became the third biggest party in 2010, it also obtained the power to influence the making of Dutch migration policy by supporting the formation of minor coalition government of VVD and CDA, followed by writing its ideologies against immigrants and the EU in the coalition agreement. With such a power, PVV successfully tightened the law and regulations for immigrants, such as imposing stricter qualification for family reunion, harder cultural integration exam to pass, and longer period to enjoy social welfare and political rights.

In recent years, the role of diversity has become increasingly important and present – both in society and at the workplace. Diversity, that is any attribute that people might use do distinguish between self and others, is a topic that is visible in several areas and that has challenging implications, both for organizations and for society as a whole. It is a multilevel construct that needs a holistic approach - but so far, most of the research on diversity is limited to the team level, without reflecting on implications for other levels and interactions with other levels of diversity. The first objective of this dissertation is to examine whether approaches of organizational diversity research, namely faultlines, are applicable to the societal level and whether they are useful on this level to explain phenomena of societal relevance. Second, we investigate whether diversity trainings on the team-level can help meet these challenges by teaching useful competencies. And third, we explore whether characteristics on the individual level, namely intrapersonal diversity, enable people to overcome the challenges of diversity which will ultimately also contribute to meet the challenges of diversity on the societal level. On the basis of the combination of findings on diversity at three different levels and the introduced multi-level model, new hypotheses at different levels of analyses can be formulated and subsequently tested.:1. Introduction 2. Core Constructs and Conceptual Clarifications 3. Theoretical Framework 4. Status Quo of Diversity Research 5. Overview of the Research Program 6. Does Social Context Predict Voting for Far-Right Parties? A Study on Societal Faultlines and Voting Behavior in East Germany 7. When Diversity is Something New: Enhancing Diversity Beliefs among Apprentices 8. Intrapersonal Diversity: We Like what we are 9. General Discussion / Diversität hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend an Bedeutung und Präsenz gewonnen – sowohl in der Gesellschaft als auch am Arbeitsplatz. Diversität, also jedes Merkmal, das Menschen dazu nutzen können, sich selbst als unterschiedlich von anderen Personen wahrzunehmen, ist in vielen Bereichen sichtbar und stellt sowohl für Organisationen als auch für die Gesellschaft als Ganzes eine große Herausforderung dar. Es ist ein Mehrebenen-Konstrukt, das einen ganzheitlichen Ansatz erfordert – die bisherige Forschung zu Diversität beschränkt sich jedoch größtenteils auf die Gruppenebene, ohne Auswirkungen auf oder Interaktionen mit andere Ebenen von Vielfalt zu berücksichtigen. Das erste Ziel dieser Dissertation ist es zu prüfen, ob Ansätze der organisationalen Diversitätsforschung, namentlich Faultlines, auf die gesellschaftliche Ebene übertragbar sind und ob sie auf dieser Ebene nützlich sind, um gesellschaftlich relevante Phänomene zu erklären. Zweitens untersuchen wir, ob Diversitätstrainings auf Gruppenebene helfen können, diese Herausforderungen zu meistern, indem sie nützliche Kompetenzen vermitteln. Und drittens untersuchen wir, ob Eigenschaften auf der individuellen Ebene, namentlich intrapersonelle Diversität, Menschen dazu befähigen, die Herausforderungen von Diversität zu bewältigen, was letztlich auch dazu beitragen wird, den Herausforderungen von Diversität auf gesellschaftlicher Ebene gerecht zu werden. Auf Basis der Kombination von Diversitätserkenntnissen auf drei unterschiedlichen Ebenen und dem vorgestellten Mehrebenen-Modell können neue Hypothesen auf unterschiedlichen Analyseebenen formuliert und anschließend überprüft werden.:1. Introduction 2. Core Constructs and Conceptual Clarifications 3. Theoretical Framework 4. Status Quo of Diversity Research 5. Overview of the Research Program 6. Does Social Context Predict Voting for Far-Right Parties? A Study on Societal Faultlines and Voting Behavior in East Germany 7. When Diversity is Something New: Enhancing Diversity Beliefs among Apprentices 8. Intrapersonal Diversity: We Like what we are 9. General Discussion