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This essay is a comparative case study of the democratization in Bhutan and Burkina Faso. The question this essay ask of its theories and empirical facts are that of ; what kind of similarities can be found in two cases so different, regarding their modern democratization process. To answer that question, two theories are used. Dankwart A. Rustows four phases of democratization and Samuel P. Huntingtons waves of democratization. They are later compared to the empirical data of Bhutan and Burkina Fasos political development and historical backgrounds to democracy. Whilst comparing them, similarities are found in that of leaders institutionalizing the democratic process, and in the rise of new political forums where the democratic process is being applied to actual political problems and then resolved and worked with by politicians. This research concludes with Bhutan being the exception to the democratic process, having had monarks giving up their absolute power to benefit the democratic process, whereas the former leader of Burkina Faso who institutionalized democratic process used it to gain and sustain his own power of the state.

Background: The Missed Opportunities for Maternal and Infant Health (MOMI) project, which aimed at upgrading maternal and infant postpartum care (PPC), implemented a package of interventions including the integration of maternal PPC in infant immunization services in 12 health facilities in Kaya Health district in Burkina Faso from 2013 to 2015. This paper assesses the coverage and the quality of combined mother-infant PPC in reproductive, maternal, newborn and child health services (RMNCH). Methods: We conducted a mixed methods study with cross-sectional surveys before and after the intervention in the Kaya health and demographic surveillance system. On the quantitative side, two household surveys were performed in 2012 ( N = 757) and in 2014 ( N = 754) among mothers within one year postpartum. The analysis examines the result of the intervention by the date of delivery at three key time points in the PPC schedule: the first 48 h, days 6 - 10 and during weeks 6 - 8 and beyond. On the qualitative side, in depth interviews, focus group discussions and observations were conducted in four health facilities in 2012 and 2015. They involved mothers in the postpartum period, facility and community health workers, and other stakeholders. We performed a descriptive analysis and a two-sample test of proportions of the quantitative data. The qualitative data were recorded, transcribed and analysed along the themes relevant for the intervention. Results: The findings show that the WHO guidelines, in terms of content and improvement of maternal PPC, were followed for physical examinations and consultations. They also show a significant increase in the coverage of maternal PPC services from 50% (372/752) before the intervention to 81% (544/672) one year after the start of the intervention. However, more women were assessed at days 6 - 10 than at later visits. Integration of maternal PPC was low, with little improvements in history taking and physical examination of mothers in immunization services. While health workers are polyvalent, difficulties in restructuring and organizing services hindered the integration. Conclusion: Unless a comprehensive strategy of integration within RMNCH services is implemented to address the primary health care challenges within the health system, integration will not yield the desired results.

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / Sub-Saharan African countries in general with particular reference to Ghana, Cameroon and Burkina Faso depend mostly on agriculture which is seen as the main source of income. Agriculture provides income for a large percentage of the rural population, and employs about 70 per cent of its labour force with a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of about 30 per cent. Ghana, Cameroon and Burkina Faso as well as a large majority of African countries depend on subsistence farming and the cultivation of subsistence crops helps provide food and ensures food security for the people. Although they mostly depend on subsistence crops, they also produce primary export crops such as cocoa for Ghana, coffee for Cameroon, and cotton for Burkina Faso which represent a major source of foreign exchange. Due to the significant importance of agriculture in the above countries Ghana, Cameroon and Burkina Faso, gave great importance to agriculture by part taking in international trade negotiations or agreements on agriculture. These countries were involved more vigorously in the Uruguay Round where agricultural products were fully covered by multilateral trade rules for the first time. Farmers from Ghana, Cameroon and Burkina Faso are faced with so many challenges in exporting their agricultural products to world markets despite their participation in the agricultural trade reforms. They have restricted access to rich countries agricultural markets and they also face unfair competition in their own domestic markets from subsidised imports of food staples from wealthy countries. Other challenges such as: trade barriers, inadequate trade infrastructure (logistics and transportation), and inadequate institution serving farmers and agriculture and lack of technology to transform traditional agriculture are also of great importance. With regard to the above challenges faced by Ghana, Cameroon and Burkina Faso this research is to examine or analyse the impacts that international trade reforms have on the agricultural exports focusing on primary products (cash crops), such as cocoa, coffee and cotton which are a major source of export revenue for these countries and the livelihood basis for millions of rural households who grow these crops. The research will also look at the challenges faced by Ghana, Cameroon and Burkina Faso in exporting their agricultural products to developed countries‘ markets despite their participation in the international trade agreements on agriculture. Taking a look at the international trade reforms it can be seen that while the Uruguay Round will have a significant impact on global trade and economic welfare, its effect on the above countries‘ agricultural exports is expected to be much smaller, and if anything maybe negative. Ghana, Cameroon, Burkina Faso and most African countries are likely to gain slightly from tariff cuts and the elimination of non-tariff barriers on manufactured products. These countries will find themselves slightly worse off as a result of cuts to developed countries' subsidies to their agricultural exports, which tends to increase world food prices.

This thesis examines the extent to which climate change is able to affect the security of states, with Burkina Faso and the Republic of Djibouti chosen as the case studies for this investigation. While the general effects of climate change on security are understood, the academic community appears to disagree on the subject of conflict-generation via climactic pressures. Consequently, the analysis is divided into two sections: The first part utilizes over 2,000 individual events collected by the Armed Conflict and Event Data program and examines the relationship between climate change and their occurrence. This is done firstly through a preliminary keyword analysis, then through a multivariate regression analysis of the relevant climate change factors. The second part takes a pseudo-qualitative approach by merging the Fragile State Index methodology and a weighted systems model in order to calculate values for each relevant state dimension that has been affected, thereby numerically quantifying the effect. The results indicate that currently, weak to moderate negative effects may be observed on the two states, depending on the security dimension examined. The economic and sociodemographic aspects appear to be most susceptible to environmental pressures.