Inhalt: Die Logik der Macht und die Macht der Logik Konturen einer reflexiven Außenpolitikdebatte

Inhalt: Zivilgesellschaftliche Teilhabe fördern Öffentlichkeit von unten

Inhalt: Fremdbestimmung oder nationale Eigeninteressen? Schein und Sein der Kritik am außenpolitischen Konsens

Inhalt: Interessen, Werte und Normen bedingen sich wechselseitig! Werte und Normen lassen sich als Interessen definieren! Debattenkultur gegen das Informationsdefizit! Was ist deutsch an deutschen Interessen?

This thesis aims to describe and compare how female and male foreign ministers are represented in Swedish and U.S. daily press. Choosing two critical cases, Swedish and U.S. media, where gendered stereotypical representation is most unlikely to occur, gives a larger chance for generalization to other countries media, and other types of media. Based upon the ontology of social constructivism and theories of gendered media representation, a qualitative analysis will be conducted to be able to describe how media representations of these foreign ministers look like. The use of gender stereotypical words and meanings used when portraying foreign ministers in media will be compared both between the female and male foreign ministers and between the Swedish and U.S. daily press. The analysis will show that the foreign ministers are portrayed differently based on sex, where women are portrayed as weak and emotional, with their competence doubted, while the men are strong and unquestionable competent.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2000. / "December 2000." Thesis advisor(s): James J. Wirtz. AD-A386 702. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-93).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin, 1966. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references.

In recent decades international economic disputes have become ever more legalized, which in principle allows states to compartmentalize individual disputes from broader diplomatic relations. Nowhere is this more true than in the international investment regime, where private investors have been empowered to directly sue host states in international arbitration, rather than relying on their home states for diplomatic support. I challenge the standard narrative that investment protection has become "depoliticized", and reveal the persistent importance of informal commercial diplomacy in the settlement of investment disputes. I show that the US government continues to intervene diplomatically in disputes between American investors and developing country governments, despite the availability of institutional alternatives. Moreover, I argue such interventions are not primarily driven by pressure from private companies, but by government bureaucracies strategically pursuing their own interests, including advocating for investment climate reforms and demonstrating the value of commercial diplomacy to domestic constituencies. The empirical support for these claims proceeds in three stages. First, I use zero-inflated negative binomial regressions to demonstrate that American investors are more likely to file formal arbitration claims when they are less able to rely on diplomatic support, namely when the position of ambassador to the host state is temporarily vacant. Second, I provide a behind-the-scenes look at American investment protection policy using an original dataset of US diplomatic interventions in 256 investment disputes discussed in internal State Department cables released via WikiLeaks. Third, I use structured, focused comparisons in seven case studies of investment disputes to probe the particular drivers of US intervention, and show that diplomatic engagement is most likely in cases where the state itself has strong interests in intervening, rather than when private pressure compels it to do so. This thesis makes important and original contributions both to the literature on the international investment regime - which to date has broadly ignored the role of commercial diplomacy in contemporary dispute settlement - and to broader debates on the legalization of international economic disputes and the strategies firms use to shield themselves from political risks.

A inserção internacional de Moçambique é um processo que ocorreu em fases, tendo se iniciado com os esforços empreendidos na década de 1960 pelo Dr. Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane, Primeiro Presidente da Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO). Visando criar o isolamento internacional do regime colonial Português e obter o apoio necessário para a causa da independência de Moçambique, Mondlane estabeleceu contatos com governos de vários Estados do mundo incluindo países ocidentais, países progressistas africanos e países socialistas, projetando, deste modo, a imagem de Moçambique no mundo. Iniciada com as decisões tomadas no Segundo Congresso da FRELIMO realizado em 1968, a política externa de Moçambique tinha em vista “criar mais amigos e poucos inimigos”, num contexto de bipolaridade ideológica que caracterizava a guerra-fria. O novo contexto internacional emergente no período após o fim da guerra-fria viria a originar uma redefiniçao desta política que passou a ser definida como de “criar mais amigos e mais parceiras”. A nível da região da África Austral a FRELIMO considerou sempre que a independência de Moçambique só seria completa com a libertação de todos os países da região que ainda se encontravam sob a dominação de regimes coloniais e minoritários tendo dado o seu apoio incondicional à luta de libertação do Zimbábue, África do Sul e Namíbia, para além do seu grande empenho no processo de cooperação e integração regional. É neste contexto que se pode enquadrar esta tese cujo tema é “a política externa de Moçambique e sua inserção na região da África Austral” a qual procura, através de uma vasta revisão bibliográfica, analisar os contornos que estiveram à volta da afirmação de Moçambique como Estado reconhecido no concerto das nações tanto a nível regional como internacional. / The international insertion of Mozambique is a process that took place in phases, starting with the efforts made in the 1960s by Dr. Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane, First President of the Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO). In order to create the international isolation of the Portuguese colonial regime and obtain the necessary support for the cause of Mozambique's independence, Mondlane established contacts with governments in several states of the world including Western countries, progressive African countries and socialist countries, thus projecting the image of Mozambique in the world. Initiated by the decisions taken at the Second FRELIMO’s Congress held in 1968, Mozambique's foreign policy aimed to "create more friends and few enemies" in a context of ideological bipolarity that characterized the Cold War. The new emerging international context in the period after the end of the Cold War would lead to a redefinition of this policy, which was defined as "creating more friends and more partners". At the level of the southern African region FRELIMO always considered that Mozambique's independence would only be complete with the liberation of all the countries of the region that were still under the domination of colonial and minority regimes and gave its unconditional support to the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe, South Africa and Namibia, in addition to its strong commitment to regional cooperation and integration. It is in this context that one can frame this thesis whose theme is "the foreign policy of Mozambique and its insertion in the region of Southern Africa" which seeks, through a vast bibliographical review, to analyze the contours that were around the affirmation of Mozambique as State recognized in the concert of nations at both regional and international levels.