Since the demise of central planning, post-Soviet cities have found themselves operating in a radically different economic climate. Contrary to the situation during the Soviet époque, market relations and the urban economy's adjustment thereto constitute the reality which urbanites face in their daily lives. For the vast majority, this reality has been harsh. Even so, market agency in post-Soviet cities is circumscribed by a physical infrastructure composed to foster its rejection, leading to an inevitable tension between Soviet legacy and the reality of the market economy. An overarching task of this dissertation is to contribute to a greater understanding of the new urban form which is emerging out of this tension. For this purpose, eight papers, using case studies from urban Kazakhstan, are brought together in order to shed light on recent urban developments in the former Soviet Union.Two broad themes are subject to particular attention: urbanisation and regional migration processes, and urban socio-spatial differentiation. Urbanisation is studied through the comparative analysis of census data from 1989 and 1999, from which a "closed city effect" pattern emerges. Sovietand post-Soviet era urban-bounf migrant characteristics are compared using survey data (N=3,136) collected by the author, demonstrating the existence of a significant ethnic transition within the migrant flow. Socio-spatial differentiation patterns are mapped and analysed for three Kazakh military-industrial case study cities (Ust'-Kamenogorsk, Leninogorsk and Zyryanovsk), revealing significant spatial disparities which are principally explainable in light of the workings of the Soviet economy, and its built-in priority system. Market forces tend to accentuate them.

Quantum and tempo of population ageing process in the twelve countries of the former Soviet Union: Challenges, opportunities and public policies Abstract Population ageing is an omnipresent phenomenon which brings along unprecedented challenges to socio-economic development, especially to employment, social security and public health sectors. The broad goal of this doctoral thesis was to demonstrate that it is time to recognize the importance of population ageing and its dynamics even in the countries with relatively young population structures and to take urgent action through implementation of corresponding policy interventions in order to mitigate and eliminate the upcoming negative consequences and utilize potential opportunities. Research on population ageing in both more and less developed countries is abundant. However, amidst numerous studies, countries of the former Soviet Union remain largely overlooked. Besides, the quantum and tempo of population ageing have not been adequately addressed in the existing literature worldwide. This research addresses, to the best of our knowledge for the first time, those issues. Holistic approach to gap analysis was adopted to guide this study. The analysis was performed in three steps. The first step incorporated the identification and analysis of the observed...

Quantum and tempo of population ageing process in the twelve countries of the former Soviet Union: Challenges, opportunities and public policies Abstract Population ageing is an omnipresent phenomenon which brings along unprecedented challenges to socio-economic development, especially to employment, social security and public health sectors. The broad goal of this doctoral thesis was to demonstrate that it is time to recognize the importance of population ageing and its dynamics even in the countries with relatively young population structures and to take urgent action through implementation of corresponding policy interventions in order to mitigate and eliminate the upcoming negative consequences and utilize potential opportunities. Research on population ageing in both more and less developed countries is abundant. However, amidst numerous studies, countries of the former Soviet Union remain largely overlooked. Besides, the quantum and tempo of population ageing have not been adequately addressed in the existing literature worldwide. This research addresses, to the best of our knowledge for the first time, those issues. Holistic approach to gap analysis was adopted to guide this study. The analysis was performed in three steps. The first step incorporated the identification and analysis of the observed...

Cette thèse a pour ambition d’analyser un aspect encore mal connu de la transition postsoviétique des États baltes : l’évolution d’une politique étrangère placée entre récepteurs et donneurs d’assistance étrangère au prisme de l’action de parrainage transnational. Nous observons, dans une approche constructiviste, la transformation et la redéfinition des concepts d’identité politique et de solidarité face à l’Autre et le regard que ce dernier porte sur Soi. Malgré l’évolution de cette identité, des continuités persistent : Le rapprochement opéré avec l’Europe de l’Est depuis une dizaine d’années est non seulement l’une de priorités politiques des États baltes, il s’inscrit parallèlement dans leur désir d’aspirer à devenir de « vrais » Européens et d’être perçus comme tels. Cette thèse met en lumière deux dimensions de cette solidarité : la solidarité politique d’une part, la mise en pratique de celle-ci par l’assistance technique, d’autre part. Il s’agit d’abord de comprendre les différentes logiques dans lesquelles s’inscrit la solidarité balte et d’identifier ses acteurs et réseaux. Dans une démarche interdisciplinaire qui croise notamment les mécanismes de Policy Transfer Studies et l’approche historique et comparative, cette thèse s’attache ensuite à mieux définir les processus et les modes de mise en œuvre, ainsi que le rôle des acteurs « émetteurs » (les experts) et leur interaction avec leur partenaires. Elle arrive à la conclusion que les Baltes diffusent et partagent avec les pays du voisinage oriental de l’UE principalement l’expérience qu’ils ont acquise, s’inspirant logiquement de l’action nordique de parrainage dont ils ont bénéficié au cours des années 1990. / This doctoral thesis aims to analyse one of the less known aspects of Baltic transition: the evolution of their foreign policy between receptors and donors of foreign assistance through transnational patronage (1985-2013). In line with the constructivist school of thought, we observe how the concept of political identity and solidarity changes, redefines itself towards the Other and the perception that the latter has on the Self. Notwithstanding the changes in this identity, some continuities seem to persist: The rapprochment with Eastern Europe over the past ten years could viewed as one of the priorities of the Baltic States but it also stems from the desire of these States to become and to be considered as “fully” European. This thesis sheds some light over the two dimensions of this solidarity: the political solidarity and support on the one hand, and its implementation through technical assistance to reforms and trainings of Georgian, Ukrainian and Moldovan elites, on the other hand. In order to better observe how the solidarity is expressed, this study attempts to understand the different logics of the Baltics solidarity, to identify different actors and networks involved. In an interdisciplinary approach intersecting the mechanisms of PTS and the historical and comparative approach, this study takes then focuses on the processes and methods of the implementation, the role of the actors “donors” and their interaction with their partners. It concludes that Baltic States diffuse and share with the Eastern neighbours of EU mostly their own experience inspired from the Nordic States’ patronage action towards the Baltics during the 1990.

Cette thèse a pour ambition d’analyser un aspect encore mal connu de la transition postsoviétique des États baltes : l’évolution d’une politique étrangère placée entre récepteurs et donneurs d’assistance étrangère au prisme de l’action de parrainage transnational. Nous observons, dans une approche constructiviste, la transformation et la redéfinition des concepts d’identité politique et de solidarité face à l’Autre et le regard que ce dernier porte sur Soi. Malgré l’évolution de cette identité, des continuités persistent : Le rapprochement opéré avec l’Europe de l’Est depuis une dizaine d’années est non seulement l’une de priorités politiques des États baltes, il s’inscrit parallèlement dans leur désir d’aspirer à devenir de « vrais » Européens et d’être perçus comme tels. Cette thèse met en lumière deux dimensions de cette solidarité : la solidarité politique d’une part, la mise en pratique de celle-ci par l’assistance technique, d’autre part. Il s’agit d’abord de comprendre les différentes logiques dans lesquelles s’inscrit la solidarité balte et d’identifier ses acteurs et réseaux. Dans une démarche interdisciplinaire qui croise notamment les mécanismes de Policy Transfer Studies et l’approche historique et comparative, cette thèse s’attache ensuite à mieux définir les processus et les modes de mise en œuvre, ainsi que le rôle des acteurs « émetteurs » (les experts) et leur interaction avec leur partenaires. Elle arrive à la conclusion que les Baltes diffusent et partagent avec les pays du voisinage oriental de l’UE principalement l’expérience qu’ils ont acquise, s’inspirant logiquement de l’action nordique de parrainage dont ils ont bénéficié au cours des années 1990. / This doctoral thesis aims to analyse one of the less known aspects of Baltic transition: the evolution of their foreign policy between receptors and donors of foreign assistance through transnational patronage (1985-2013). In line with the constructivist school of thought, we observe how the concept of political identity and solidarity changes, redefines itself towards the Other and the perception that the latter has on the Self. Notwithstanding the changes in this identity, some continuities seem to persist: The rapprochment with Eastern Europe over the past ten years could viewed as one of the priorities of the Baltic States but it also stems from the desire of these States to become and to be considered as “fully” European. This thesis sheds some light over the two dimensions of this solidarity: the political solidarity and support on the one hand, and its implementation through technical assistance to reforms and trainings of Georgian, Ukrainian and Moldovan elites, on the other hand. In order to better observe how the solidarity is expressed, this study attempts to understand the different logics of the Baltics solidarity, to identify different actors and networks involved. In an interdisciplinary approach intersecting the mechanisms of PTS and the historical and comparative approach, this study takes then focuses on the processes and methods of the implementation, the role of the actors “donors” and their interaction with their partners. It concludes that Baltic States diffuse and share with the Eastern neighbours of EU mostly their own experience inspired from the Nordic States’ patronage action towards the Baltics during the 1990.

Cette thèse a pour ambition d’analyser un aspect encore mal connu de la transition postsoviétique des États baltes : l’évolution d’une politique étrangère placée entre récepteurs et donneurs d’assistance étrangère au prisme de l’action de parrainage transnational. Nous observons, dans une approche constructiviste, la transformation et la redéfinition des concepts d’identité politique et de solidarité face à l’Autre et le regard que ce dernier porte sur Soi. Malgré l’évolution de cette identité, des continuités persistent : Le rapprochement opéré avec l’Europe de l’Est depuis une dizaine d’années est non seulement l’une de priorités politiques des États baltes, il s’inscrit parallèlement dans leur désir d’aspirer à devenir de « vrais » Européens et d’être perçus comme tels. Cette thèse met en lumière deux dimensions de cette solidarité : la solidarité politique d’une part, la mise en pratique de celle-ci par l’assistance technique, d’autre part. Il s’agit d’abord de comprendre les différentes logiques dans lesquelles s’inscrit la solidarité balte et d’identifier ses acteurs et réseaux. Dans une démarche interdisciplinaire qui croise notamment les mécanismes de Policy Transfer Studies et l’approche historique et comparative, cette thèse s’attache ensuite à mieux définir les processus et les modes de mise en œuvre, ainsi que le rôle des acteurs « émetteurs » (les experts) et leur interaction avec leur partenaires. Elle arrive à la conclusion que les Baltes diffusent et partagent avec les pays du voisinage oriental de l’UE principalement l’expérience qu’ils ont acquise, s’inspirant logiquement de l’action nordique de parrainage dont ils ont bénéficié au cours des années 1990. / This doctoral thesis aims to analyse one of the less known aspects of Baltic transition: the evolution of their foreign policy between receptors and donors of foreign assistance through transnational patronage (1985-2013). In line with the constructivist school of thought, we observe how the concept of political identity and solidarity changes, redefines itself towards the Other and the perception that the latter has on the Self. Notwithstanding the changes in this identity, some continuities seem to persist: The rapprochment with Eastern Europe over the past ten years could viewed as one of the priorities of the Baltic States but it also stems from the desire of these States to become and to be considered as “fully” European. This thesis sheds some light over the two dimensions of this solidarity: the political solidarity and support on the one hand, and its implementation through technical assistance to reforms and trainings of Georgian, Ukrainian and Moldovan elites, on the other hand. In order to better observe how the solidarity is expressed, this study attempts to understand the different logics of the Baltics solidarity, to identify different actors and networks involved. In an interdisciplinary approach intersecting the mechanisms of PTS and the historical and comparative approach, this study takes then focuses on the processes and methods of the implementation, the role of the actors “donors” and their interaction with their partners. It concludes that Baltic States diffuse and share with the Eastern neighbours of EU mostly their own experience inspired from the Nordic States’ patronage action towards the Baltics during the 1990.

Nach dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion stellte der Aufbau eines unabhängigen Staates und einer unabhängigen Nation eine große Herausforderung für die Regierenden der fünfzehn ehemaligen Sowjetrepubliken dar Zwanzig Jahre später, pendelt der Typus, der aus jenen Prozessen hervorgegangenen politischen Regime, zwischen Demokratie und Autokratie. Diese Dissertation konzentriert sich auf die Grauzone zwischen diesen beiden Idealtypen, d.h. auf ‚hybride Regime‘, verstanden als Staaten, die nachweislich freie und faire Wahlen einerseits mit einem autokratischen Regierungsstil andererseits kombinieren. Unter den ehemaligen Sowjetrepubliken sind dies Georgien, Moldawien und die Ukraine. Die zentrale Frage der Arbeit lautet, welche Faktoren die Funktionstüchtigkeit dieser Regime gewährleistet. Es zeigt sich, dass die drei genannten Länder ethnisch stark heterogen sind relative arme Volkswirtschaften mit sehr schwachem Wachstum sind. Es wird argumentiert, dass es diese beiden Strukturmerkmale sind, die das Handeln der heimischen Eliten wesentlich determinieren und die, zusammen mit den durch internationale Geldgeber gesetzten Anreizen, die Dauerhaftigkeit dieser hybriden Regime bedingen. Dagegen steht die politische Polarisierung im Kern des Erklärungsmodells dieser Dissertation. Im Detail sieht das Erklärungsmodell vor, dass sie diesen Einfluss vermittelt durch das Moment der politischen Polarisierung ausüben. Ethnische Spaltungen spiegeln sich in polarisierten politischen Gruppierungen wieder und sind dadurch für einen hochgradig kompetitiven Charakter von Wahlen verantwortlich. Die heimischen Eliten betonen ethnische Antagonismen in ihren Wahlkämpfen und auch die internationalen Geldgeber schüren eine bereits latent konfliktreiche Atmosphäre. Dieses Verhaltensschema sichert den Fortbestand der hybriden Regime in Moldawien und der Ukraine. Die Abwesenheit von Polarisierung, die auf einer leicht entflammbaren Fragen basiert, resultiert in einem Mangel an Kompetitivität. / In the aftermath of the breakdown of the Soviet Union, the leadership in the fifteen former republics found themselves challenged by complex processes of independent state- and nation-building. Twenty years later, the political regimes that emerged vary from democracies to autocracies. This dissertation focuses on the grey zone in between the pure types. Conceptualizing hybrid regimes as the ones that combine holding of free and fair, recognized elections, and autocratic governance, it asks the question of what keeps the former viable. This research singles out Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine as the countries with hybrid regimes. It shows that the three are highly ethnically heterogeneous and have relatively poor, very low-growing economies. This dissertation argues that these structural conditions are responsible for the actions of the domestic elites, which together with the incentives that the international donors provide the domestic elites with make hybrid regimes permanent. The political polarization is at the core of the explanatory account this dissertation presents. Ethnic divisions, reflected in political polarization are responsible for emergence of regimes with competitive elections. The elites emphasize the divisive issues in their campaigning, while the donors support the already thriving competitive environment. This keeps competitive hybrid regimes in Moldova and Ukraine viable. Absence of polarization based on easily inflammable issues results in the lack of competitiveness. However, an absence of divisiveness produces orientation on one vector of donors (the West). The stimulation of reform and praise for achievement in governance that the donors provide keep the non-competitive hybrid regime in Georgia afloat.

This diploma thesis focuses on the problem of legal and illegal labor migration in the Russian Federation, both at federal and local levels, namely in St. Petersburg. The thesis has two main objectives and firstly focuses on the federal level. There it attempts to map current migration trends in the Russian Federation with an emphasis on labor migration, its legislation and rights and the status of working migrants in Russian society. It examines the development of migration policy of the Russian Federation from the collapse of the Soviet Union to the present towards a particular group of people. The author of this thesis tries to analyze it critically and to evaluate the effectiveness and the adequacy of taken measures. In order to fulfill the first objective, some additional questions were put. An integral part of the thesis is an analysis of the integration policy of the Russian Federation vis-à-vis working migrants and problems faced by labor migrants on Russian territory. The second objective is to monitor development and current migration situation in the second largest city of the Russian Federation - St. Petersburg. This is a case study, where the emphasis is placed on labor migration and the way how the amendments to federal immigration laws affect the situation in the regions.

Ever since the fall of the Soviet Union, illicit drugs have begun flowing into the former Soviet states for local sale and consumption, as well as for further transit to Western European states. Though the former Soviet states claim to be dedicated to the global fight against drugs, their alleged connections to the criminal underworld and weak and underdeveloped state institutions raise doubts over the sincerity and capacity of their effort. In this diploma thesis the impact of illicit drugs and the depth of the state-crime nexus in the Former Soviet Union region is analyzed, also covering crime-terror nexus, crucial in understanding the crime-terror relationship for mutual profit. The study's results have shown that various FSU states have shown varying degrees of connection to the criminal world, posing an international security risk due to the criminal underworld's involvement with clandestine drug trade in connection with terrorist groups.

This dissertation provides an in-depth study of police transformation in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It draws upon interviews with police, NGO workers, politicians and international practitioners, and employs a comparative-historical approach. Contra to democratic policing approaches, advocating the diffusion of police power and implementation of police reform concurrently with wider democratisation, reform was relatively successful in Georgia after the 2003 Rose Revolution because of state-building. The new government monopolised executive power, fired many police, recruited new personnel, raised police salaries and clamped down on organised crime and corruption. Success also depended on the elite's political will and their appeal to Georgian nationalism. Prioritisation of state-building over democratisation limited the reform's success, however. The new police are politicised and have served elites' private interests. Reform has failed in Kyrgyzstan because of a lack of state-building. Regional, clan and other identities are stronger than Kyrgyz nationalism. This has hindered the formation of an elite with capacity to implement reform. The state has limited control over the police, who remain corrupt and involved in organised crime. State-building has not precipitated police reform in Russia because of the absence of political will. The ruling cohort lacks a vision of reform and relies on corruption to balance the interests of political factions. The contrasting patterns of police reform have a number of implications for democratic police reform in transitioning countries: First, reform depends on political will. Second, institutionalising the police before democratising them may be a more effective means of acquiring the capacity to implement reform. Third, such an approach is likely to require some sort of common bond such as nationalism to legitimate it. Fourth, ignoring democratisation after institutionalisation is risky as reformers can misuse their power for private interests.