The purpose of this thesis is to analyse and explain the organization of Greek broadcasting, and particularly its relationship to the state and politics. The study begins with the introduction of state-owned radio in 1936 and ends with the abolition of the state monopoly and the introduction of private local radio by a Socialist government in 1987. Through a mainly chronological structure the study examines the development of Greek radio and television set against major developments in the sphere of politics from the inter-war period until the late 1980s. These developments include the establishment of a quasi-fascist dictatorship in 1936, the Right-Left cleavage of the 1940s and the nature of parliamentary regime which was established as a result of the Communist defeat in the civil war (1946-1949). Subsequently, the study deals with the imposition of the dictatorial regime in 1967 and examines the contradictions which led to its eventual downfall in 1974. Finally, the thesis covers the transition of the country to democracy, the nature of the democratic regime, the party system and the major aspects of policy of both the Conservative governments (1974-1981) and the Socialists (1981-1987). Placed within the framework of the debate about the role of broadcasting in liberal democracies, the thesis examines the applicability of two antithetical models, the 'fourth estate' and the 'dominance' models to the Greek broadcasting system from 1936 to 1987. Neither is found to be satisfactory. Our study of government-broadcasting relations since the introduction of radio demonstrates that the broadcast media have always been subordinate to partisan political control and that neither the editorial autonomy nor the political independence of Greek broadcasters, on which the 'fourth estate' model is based, have ever been safeguarded by Greek politicians. The 'dominance' model, on the other hand, to the extent that it considers the mass media as an instrument of the dominant classes fails to describe accurately the role of Greek broadcasting institutions and of the state which controls them within Greek society. Due to the uneven and belated industrial development of the country, the state has acquired a dominant position in social and economic life by distributing resources and safeguarding the vital Interests of various social groups. Political parties have always relied on the mechanisms of the state to consolidate their power. Broadcasting institutions have therefore been used by those holding executive power as a legitimating mechanism of their policies. Preoccupied as they were with the political output of radio and television, Greek politicians never pursued the development of a public service ethos In Greek broadcasting.

The two principles of ¡§secret investigation¡¨ and ¡§freedom of the press¡¨ are respectively the foundations of ¡§presumption of innocence,¡¨ a basic human right, and ¡§the right to know,¡¨ one of the basic citizen rights. The former principle guards against any sentence of suspects unreivewed by the juridical system and protects the reputation, privacy and other legal rights of all the related parties in the case. The latter are the fourth power apart from the executive, legislative and judicial branches. It allows for strict monitoring of the governmental performance and, therefore, prevents the government from abusing its powers. In practice, these two principles are rather complicatedly connected. This study begins by exploring the definition of investigation and, discussing the role and function of the police in the investigation process, and then introducing the basic ideas of the secret investigation principle. As for the freedom of the press, the study starts by explaining its meaning and introduces related theories, legal definition, protection and limitation. The study then continues with a discussion of press autonomy and information source of the press. At the end, the study provides analysis of the interviews to find out conflict and/or cooperation between the police and the media. The question raised in this study is ¡§How do the police respond to the requirements of the press freedom and protect the right to know without violating any legal regulation?¡¨ The methodology of this study is literature review of official documents and in-depth interview. The data collected from the literature review were compiled and rewritten into sixteen situation analysis tools, which were then reorganized into ten simulation cases. The cases were used as issue analysis tools in the in-depth interviews with the selected journalists and investigation squad chiefs. In the interview, the squad chiefs were asked what considerations or reactions they would have in each simulation case. The journalists were also asked what strategies or perspectives they would adopt in reporting each case. Comparisons were made to find out the differences and similarities between the squad chiefs and journalists in considering the same case so as to achieve maximum agreement between both sides under the premise of not breach any of the existing legal requirements. The study reached the following four conclusions: (1) the police should be educated about which action would violate the principle of secret investigation and what legal or administrative liability would ensue; (2) the police should understand the needs of the media and provide journalists with information within reasonable scope for media coverage; (3) the police should use assistance of devices and skills of related technologies; (4) finally, the government should cooperate with the media to make laws that can effectively regulate related issues.

Today, there are several media-related companies that work to process and publish news using only artificial intelligence and algorithms, completely without any type of human intervention. The industry as a whole has seen a trend of replacing human journalists' daily tasks with generative AI, this in terms serves a greater sustainable economic resource management for many media companies. Although, debatably AI has been a blessing in the editorial office in terms of saving journalists time for repetitive, tedious and time consuming tasks, that otherwise would have been used on something more creative. However to leave such responsibility to artificial intelligence poses a potential risk of maintaining journalistic integrity. It rises into question on how much responsibility the editorial office should hand over to AI. Therefore, to understand the balance between technological innovation, the role of journalism and its social responsibility will be the main focus in this thesis.  Using a qualitative research method and semistructured interview will provide a deep understanding of interviewees ideas and opinions, as well as dive into various theories, such as social responsibility theory, managerialism and fourth estate. Theories will be used as the foundation for analyzing the results and the conclusion. Using thematic analysis where we were able to identify results in three categories: i) understanding AI, ii) implementing AI, iii) attitude towards AI. Six journalists from different media companies were interviewed in this thesis and all showed signs of basic knowledge of what artificial intelligence is but only two of them had understanding of what artificial intelligence is trying to achieve. All journalists use AI as tools to get through time consuming and repetitive tasks and half of them use AI for inspiration and ideas. Overall the attitude towards AI has been positive, although all six journalists pointed out that AI-generated content should be monitored and the quality must be ensured by humans. This thesis hopes to contribute to the ongoing discourse in the field by elucidating the need for a balanced approach to AI integration in journalism. One that in hope harmonizes technological advancement with the core principles of ethical journalism. Not only underscores the importance of the ethical considerations in adopting AI in journalism, but also paves the way for future research, emphasizing the need of adaptive and responsible journalistic practices in this rapidly evolving landscape of artificial intelligence.

為了避免代議民主所產生的政治疏離感，加強公民間的聯繫以及政治參與，審議式民主近年來受到相當廣泛的討論。審議式民主的核心概念乃是透過人民深思熟慮的審議，以理性溝通、公開論理的方式，在決策過程中充分表現公民的多元觀點，獲得更高的民主正當性。審議式民主政治中，為了能透過開放的討論過程，達成公共審議的目標，公民勢必需要瞭解公共議題的各種不同多元觀點，而這恐怕並非目前商業化競爭機制中的媒體所能提供的。欲解決民主政治與媒體商業競爭所造成的惡性循環，本文乃提出審議式民主與大眾傳播媒體互相配合的論點，政治改革與媒體改革同時進行，一方面透過政治參與以凝聚公民意識，並改善媒體市場競爭亂象，如此方可能有效的打破媒體與政治的惡性循環，為民主生活的實踐帶來新契機。

This study uses a mixed-method approach to analyse the coverage of the 2011 Fukushima nuclear crisis in Japan’s two major English-language newspapers – The Japan Times and The Daily Yomiuri. Quantitative coding is combined with critical discourse analysis to determine whether the coverage was, overall, predominantly alarming, reassuring, or relatively balanced and neutral. This is done to ascertain whether the newspapers were sensationalising the crisis, echoing the official government and industry communication thereof, or reporting in a critical, responsible manner as the fourth estate. To answer the research question, key aspects of the coverage like foci, framing, sources, narratives, actors and agency, and criticisms are closely examined. It is revealed that the coverage was neither predominantly alarming nor reassuring, but was problematic in other ways. The implications of the complex findings, both for the Japanese media industry and international disaster reporting, are discussed. The study is situated in a broad literature framework that draws on agenda setting theory, research about the roles and responsibilities of the media, the field of risk communication and the reporting of radiation events in history. / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication)