Thesis (B.A.Hons.1973) - Dept. of History, University of Adelaide.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 407-427). / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / xiii, 427 leaves, bound ill., maps 29 cm

French Polynesia went through a political crisis from 2004 to 2005 which constituted an important chapter in the history of this recently upgraded 'Pays d'Outre-mer'. After the general elections of May 2004 in Tahiti, a series of controversial events unfolded which created polarity among the local people and which destabilised the government. This research aims to study qualitatively how the Tahitian political crisis is constructed by the French press, namely, le Figaro, le Monde and la Libération. Based on the CDA framework and Halliday's systemic grammar, this research embarks on Foucault's idea of subjectivity which governs the formation of discourse, by examining the linguistic structure of the clause in the press representations. The analysis reveals that events and people from the crisis can be configured in different ways in the clausal structure, which is, to a certain degree, triggered by the subjectivity of newspapers. La Libération offers a socialist view of the crisis through its discursive constructions which are more inclusive of the local people and by showing Temaru's rise to power in an optimistic manner. As for the conservative newspaper le Figaro, power hierarchies can be observed in some representations while certain individuals' responsibilities are hidden in the clausal structure. Even le Monde, which claims to maintain a neutral ground, exposes its intellectual and critical conceits in the construction of clauses which represent Tahiti's recent political crisis.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 201-208). / xii, 208 leaves, bound ill., maps 29 cm

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 1983. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 321-334).

Thesis (doctoral)--Uppsala University, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [174]-178).

This thesis investigates the impact of France on conflict and stability in the South Pacific from 1985-2006, with a primary focus on France's two largest regional dependencies: New Caledonia and French Polynesia. It is demonstrated that France had a largely destabilising influence prior to 1988, due to its controversial nuclear testing programme in French Polynesia, its repression of the independence movement in New Caledonia, and its failure to act on the pronounced social and economic imbalances between the local indigenous populations and the settler communities. However, France has played a more positive stabilising role since 1988, by factoring local and indigenous concerns into peace agreements in New Caledonia, disestablishing the French Polynesian nuclear testing programme in 1996, and allowing for greater integration of its dependencies into the region by granting increased autonomy to the territorial governments. Nonetheless, France's determination to retain sovereignty of its South Pacific dependencies continues to pose a latent threat to stability. The negotiated peace achieved in New Caledonia through the Noumea Accord's deferred referendum on self-determination contrasts starkly with current political instability in French Polynesia, where the power struggle between Independentist and Loyalist parties has again brought into question the impartiality of the French State. While not a theoretical study, the developed hierarchy of variables helps explain France's reluctance to grant sovereignty to its dependencies, and emphasises the importance of 'emotional interest' in the French approach. It is concluded that France's trend towards playing an increasingly stabilising role in its dependencies will be sustained only through an enduring commitment to rebalance territorial inequalities, tolerate pro-independence sentiment, and mediate impartially in local political disputes. Under these circumstances, the stability provided by France and its dependencies in the region would be preferable to the resource and funding vacuums that would be generated by a French withdrawal.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 407-427).

Among the various adverse effects of climate change, sea-level rise is expected to increase the severity and frequency of flooding events impacting the vulnerable, low-lying islands of French Polynesia. It has long been understood that sea-level changes are not spatially uniform, yet this aspect is not taken into account in the decision-making. Notably, no projections of future sea level have been produced specifically for this region so far, partly because the processes driving sea-level changes remain poorly constrained. To approach the issue, we present a detailed reconstruction of sea-level changes for the mid-to-late Holocene, based on the observation of coral proxies. This dataset is then used to calibrate a sea-level model in order to estimate the contribution of glacial isostatic adjustment to regional sea-level changes and to infer past variations in global ice volume. Building upon this baseline and exploiting recent outputs of climate models, we project that in a “worst-case” scenario, sea level would rise 1.05 meters by 2100 in French Polynesia, exceeding the value adopted in the French adaptation strategy by 0.45 meters. We conclude that spatial variability of sea-level rise should be considered in future risk studies for this and other regions.

Les premiers explorateurs polynésiens découvrent Tahiti et ses "îles de lumière", ces terres paradisiaques les rapprochant du lieu où la lumière créatrice de la cosmogonie polynésienne originelle surgit, grâce à la maîtrise des astres , des vents et des courants marins ouvran la voie à leurs majestueuses pirogues doubles 150 ans avant Jésus Christ. Le triangle polynésien, où elles se situent au centre, désigne une aire culturelle et linguistique commune. La "Poly-nésie" désigne les "multiples îles" et se distingue de la "Méla-nésie à l'ouest, désignant les "noires îles" et de la "Micro-nésie" et ses "petites îles".C'est d'abord à travers son histoire particulière qu'on doit appréhender cette entité qu'est devenue la Polynésie française, avant de s'interroger sur la signification du concept d'autonomisation, et de fixer dans ses grandes lignes le cadre dans lequel se déroulent les jeux politiques qui en conditionnent la mise en oeuvre. / The first Polynesian explorers discover Tahiti and her "light islands", the heavenly lands closer to the place where the creative light of the original Polynesian cosmogony arises, through control of the stars, winds and sea currents ouvran the way for their majestic double canoes 150 years before Jesus Christ. The Polynesian Triangle, where they stand in the center, means a common cultural and linguistic area. The "Poly-nesia" means "many islands" and differs from the "Melanesia to the west, designating the" black islands "and" Micronesia "and" small islands ".It is primarily through its particular history we must understand what this entity became French Polynesia, before wondering about the meaning of the concept of empowerment, and set in outline the framework within which take place in the political games that condition the implementation.