Thesis--Munich. / Cover title. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. v-viii).

Part of Thesis--Brussels. / "Extrait de la revue 'Études de presse, ' nouvelle série, vol. VIII, no. 14, 1956."

French Polynesia went through a political crisis from 2004 to 2005 which constituted an important chapter in the history of this recently upgraded 'Pays d'Outre-mer'. After the general elections of May 2004 in Tahiti, a series of controversial events unfolded which created polarity among the local people and which destabilised the government. This research aims to study qualitatively how the Tahitian political crisis is constructed by the French press, namely, le Figaro, le Monde and la Libération. Based on the CDA framework and Halliday's systemic grammar, this research embarks on Foucault's idea of subjectivity which governs the formation of discourse, by examining the linguistic structure of the clause in the press representations. The analysis reveals that events and people from the crisis can be configured in different ways in the clausal structure, which is, to a certain degree, triggered by the subjectivity of newspapers. La Libération offers a socialist view of the crisis through its discursive constructions which are more inclusive of the local people and by showing Temaru's rise to power in an optimistic manner. As for the conservative newspaper le Figaro, power hierarchies can be observed in some representations while certain individuals' responsibilities are hidden in the clausal structure. Even le Monde, which claims to maintain a neutral ground, exposes its intellectual and critical conceits in the construction of clauses which represent Tahiti's recent political crisis.

Part of Thesis--Brussels. / "Extrait de la revue 'Études de presse, ' nouvelle série, vol. VIII, no. 14, 1956."

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Canterbury, 2006. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-145).

No description available.

Le Yémen est aujourd’hui irrémédiablement associé dans les médias internationaux à la question de la violence terroriste. D’un Yémen fantasmé, celui de l’Arabie Heureuse, les hebdomadaires français semblent passés à un Yémen criminalisé, celui des experts en terrorisme et des menaces géopolitiques. La surmédiatisation par cycle d’un pays, par ailleurs habituellement faiblement médiatisé, produit son lot de raccourcis. Paradoxalement, les zones qui constituaient le berceau des anciennes civilisations du Yémen sont aujourd'hui devenues les zones tribales les plus arriérées et les plus criminalisées. Le pays le plus peuplé mais aussi seule république de la péninsule Arabique, ne manque pas de singularités et continue d’être l’objet tant de fantasmes que d’ignorance. Pauvre, tribale et l’islam seul horizon culturel, avec des groupes d’Al-Qaeda qui montent en puissance et des instabilités politiques au nord comme au sud, le Yémen est présenté avec une vision caricaturale dans les hebdomadaires étudiés pendant 20 ans, de la première guerre du Golfe à l’attentat manqué de 25 décembre 2009, en passant évidemment par le 11 septembre et ses retombées. Cette thèse cherche à savoir pourquoi l’image du pays de la Reine de Saba est passée à celle d'« origine de la famille Ben Laden » et de « pays aux soixante millions d’armes » : les clichés sur le Yémen abondent. De même, cette thèse entend apporter des analyses et des éclairages de la complexité de la société yéménite, qui est complexe et critique et sur tous les plans, engagée aujourd’hui dans un tournant révolutionnaire. / In the international media, Yemen today is irrevocably associated with the topic of terrorist violence. From a fantasized Yemen know as Arabia Felix, the French weeklies seem to have moved now to a criminalized Yemen, that of the experts on terrorism and geopolitical threats. The media high exposure per cycle of such country, usually low-profile, produces mainly its own set of shortcuts. Paradoxically, areas that were the cradle of ancient civilizations of Yemen have now become the most backward tribal areas and the most criminalized. The most populous country which is also a singular place and the only republic of the Arabian peninsula, continues to be the subject of so many fantasies as well as ignorance. Poor, tribal, and Islam as its single cultural horizon, with bands of Al-Qaeda rising powers and political instabilities in the north and south, Yemen is presented by a caricature in the studied weekly for 20 years, starting from the first Gulf War ending with the failed attack on December 25, 2009, considering of course September 11 and its aftermath. This thesis seeks to know why the country's image of “The Queen of Sheba” went to the "Origin of the bin Laden family" and also "Country of sixty million arms": the clichés abound on Yemen. At the same time, this thesis aims to provide analysis and insights on the complexity of Yemeni society, which is complex and critical at all levels, and now engaged in a revolutionary turn.

My dissertation looks at a pivotal point in the history of the news image (c.1840 to 1860), when wood engraving and steam-powered printing presses transformed the genre into a mass medium that reached hundreds of thousands of readers. Using the format of the monograph and the work of French artist Constantin Guys, I argue that despite the advent of photography and other reproductive visual techniques, drawing formed the backbone of the new authority of the mass-produced news image. To make this case, I locate Guys’s drawings within a wide range of other tactics of transcription that made the printing of text and image possible––including stenography and printing telegraphy––to contextualize the strange persistence of this manual medium within the increasingly mechanized armature of the illustrated newspaper. As a study of the formation of trust in the news image at a moment of momentous technological change, my project identifies a vital origin point for pressing questions related to the truth and objectivity of the news in our contemporary moment, and places mid-nineteenth-century drawing at its center.

My dissertation examines the question of how the incorporation of literary forms and techniques into written denunciations radicalizes the discursive practices of accusation during the French Revolution. I explore how the exploitation of literary elements such as genre and rhetorical strategies by revolutionary writers increases the scope and virulence of their attacks and contributes to the radicalization in the text of three key figures: the author-narrator, the imagined reader, and the object of denunciation. In the first part, I study the use of these strategies and their impacts on tone and the communication of meaning in two forms of the popular press: the ephemeral newspapers of 1789 (journals with under twenty issues) and the Private Lives (scandalous biographies of important public figures). In part two I show how writers with first-hand knowledge of recent violence and the deadliness of denunciation become confronted with the problem of how to condemn the worst aspects of the Revolution without partaking in incendiary speech themselves. Although still denouncing to a certain extent, these writers also try to resolve this dilemma through plays with perspective and parody. I examine this phenomenon in case studies of three authors who lived through the Revolution and whose writings were impacted to varying degrees by the events of 1789 to 1795: Nicolas Edme Restif de La Bretonne, Louis Sebation Mercier, and the Marquis de Sade. My study is situated at the crossroads of previous historical and literary scholarship on denunciation. Historians examining the practice of denunciation have investigated contemporary debates over calumny and the limits of free speech, the de individualization of the object of attack, and the impact of the period's obsession with transparency on the conceptualization of the denounced individual. These studies concentrate for the most part on political discourses and debates, laws, and the mechanics of the press and print culture. Scholarship analyzing rhetorical and literary aspects of revolutionary texts has slowly begun to emerge, and these literary analyses by historians on clandestine literature have identified important trends and have performed key case studies. My study supplements this existing work by focusing on such neglected areas as the relationship between the author and his imagined reader, while presenting a wider examination of the circulation of discourses between these texts to begin to grasp how these writers responded to, attacked, and adopted the denunciatory culture of their time.

法國在2010年發生了一件富社會與政治爭議性的大事：對非法吉普塞人移民的驅除。當時法國媒體極力報導這則消息，並皆由報導重新建構此事件。此篇論文探討法文報紙在報導吉普賽移民議題上如何被政治化。此研究由法國《世界報》與《費加洛日報》中挑選240篇文章出來做框架分析，《世界報》與《費加洛日報》分別代表法國兩大不同政治理念的國家日報，藉此分析支持學者哈林與曼席尼的媒體政治制度化與框架中的分化假設。《世界報》中大部分文章有著支持吉普賽移民框架報導(107篇文章)而《費加洛日報》中大部份文章則是反吉普賽移民框架報導的(76篇文章)。此外，結果顯示《世界報》中佔優勢的框架是支持吉普賽人安全制度的框架，而《費加洛日報》佔優勢的框架則是反吉普賽人移民的國家主義框架。 / Summer 2010 in France was marked by a major socio-political controversy: the expulsions of illegal Roma immigrants. The French news media widely broadcasted the issue, reconstructing the debate for the audiences. This thesis researched how French newspapers are being politicized in reporting the Roma immigration debate. Framing analysis of 240 articles in Le Monde and Le Figaro, two selected French national dailies of differing political ideology, supported Hallin and Mancini’s hypothesis of media instrumentalization and polarization in frame. Le Monde had a majority of pro-Roma immigration frames (107 articles) and Le Figaro had a majority of against Roma immigration frames (76 articles). Moreover, findings showed that Le Monde’s dominant frame was the pro-Roma securitization frame and Le Figaro’s dominant frame was the against Roma immigration nationalism frame.