Il s’agit d’étudier l’inscription en politique de l’ancien résistant et déporté Edmond Michelet (1899-1970) accédant à la carrière politique sous la Quatrième et la Cinquième République. Passant du gaullisme de guerre au gaullisme d’opposition puis au gaullisme politique dès le retour aux affaires de l’Etat du général de Gaulle en 1958, E. Michelet traduit son engagement en lien étroit avec la figure tutélaire du chef libérateur de la France. C’est donc en posant le degré de filiation, de pratiques et de mise en réseaux d’Edmond Michelet avec Charles de Gaulle, ses collaborateurs et ses détracteurs au sommet du pouvoir comme à la base de l’appareil militant, que se pose l’intérêt de notre étude. On insistera dans cette étude sur l’importance des trajectoires culturelles et idéologiques opérantes au sein des appareils politiques et dans l’environnement des gaullistes de De Gaulle à G. Pompidou. C’est l’occasion d’interroger enfin le style politique d’E.Michelet et le degré d’imprégnation des moments clés de son existence (les militances catholiques sociales de l’entre-deux-guerres ; la Résistance ; la déportation) adaptés à l’exercice original de ses activités politiques (militant et dirigeant de parti ; parlementaire ; membre de gouvernement, etc.). / It is a question of studying the registration in politics of the former Resistance fighter and the transported convict Edmond Michelet (1899-1970) reaching in the political career under the Fourth and the Fifth Republic. Passer-by of the war Gaullism in the Gaullism of opposition then the political Gaullism from the return to the affairs of the State of the general de Gaulle in 1958, Michelet translates its commitment in the service of the Gaullism into narrow link with the guardian face of the leader liberator of France. Thus while putting the degree of filiation, practices and putting in Edmond Michelet's networks with Charles de Gaulle, his associates and his detractors at the top of the power as on the basis of the militant device, arises the interest of our study. This study will emphasize the importance of operational trajectories within political apparatuses and in the Gaullist environment from De Gaulle to G. Pompidou. This is the opportunity to finally question the political style of E. Michelet and the degree of impregnation of the key moments of his life (the Catholic social militants of the inter-war period, the Resistance, the deportation) adapted to the exercise of his political activities (militant and party leader; member of government, etc.).

Thesis (doctoral)--Universiteit Leiden, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [754]-780) and index.

Thèse--Sc. pol.--Toulouse I, 1975. / Bibliogr. ff. 1-20. Notes bibliogr.

Le brouillard est un phénomène météorologique dangereux car les fines gouttelettes d'eau en suspension dans l'atmosphère réduisent considérablement la visibilité. Bien que les avancées scientifiques et informatiques permettent d'utiliser des modèles de prévision numérique du temps de plus en plus détaillés, la prévision du brouillard reste encore un challenge dû à la multitude et la complexité des processus mis en jeu lors du cycle de vie du brouillard (dynamique, microphysique, turbulent et radiatif). Dans cette thèse, des simulations sont réalisées sur l'aéroport Paris Charles-de-Gaulle avec le modèle à échelle kilométrique AROME afin d'étudier l'impact de la résolution verticale sur la prévision du brouillard. L'étude détaillée d'un cas de brouillard a permis de mettre en évidence le fort impact de la résolution verticale sur la formation du brouillard. La résolution verticale a un impact sur l'heure de formation, le développement spatial et même sur les processus physiques liés à l'apparition du brouillard. L'impact de la résolution verticale a été évalué statistiquement sur l'hiver 2011-2012 et a permis de confirmer les résultats obtenus lors de l'étude de cas. Il a été mis en évidence qu'une résolution verticale fine permet de simuler davantage de brouillards locaux qu'une résolution verticale lâche. De plus, ces simulations ont souligné que le modèle surestime la hauteur de la base du nuage quelle que soit la résolution verticale. Bien que le nombre de bonnes détections augmente avec une résolution verticale fine, la qualité de la prévision reste inchangée à cause d'un nombre de fausses alarmes plus important ce qui peut être expliqué par l'hétérogénéité spatiale des brouillards simulés. Utiliser une résolution fine sur un grand domaine entraîne un surcoût numérique qui n'est pas envisageable en opérationnel. Dans cette thèse, deux méthodes numériques de représentation de la couche limite de surface permettant d'associer une résolution fine près du sol et un temps de calcul modeste ont été évaluées pour une étude de cas et durant une saison hivernale. La meilleure des méthodes basée sur le schéma Canopy permet de bien représenter le comportement physique du modèle à résolution verticale fine lors de l'apparition de brouillards purement radiatifs. Cependant, la méthode atteint ses limites lorsque l'apparition du brouillard est impactée par des circulations locales car l'advection n'est pas prise en compte par cette méthode. Le diagnostique de brouillard par Canopy permet de corriger le biais sur la fréquence d'occurrence de brouillard mais n'améliore pas significativement la qualité de la prévision. / The fog is a hazardous meteorological phenomenon because of the visibility decrease due to water droplets present in the atmosphere. Despite scientific and numerical improvements allowing the use of very detailed numerical weather prediction models, fog forecasting is still a challenge to address. Indeed, several complex processes are involved during the fog life cycle (dynamic, micro-physic, turbulence and radiation). In this thesis, simulations are performed at the Paris Charles-de-Gaulle airport with the kilo-metric scale model AROME in order to study the impact of the vertical resolution on the fog forecasting. A detailed study case highlights the strong impact of vertical resolution on the fog formation. Vertical resolution impacts both the onset time, the spatial development and also the physical processes involved at the fog onset. The impact of vertical resolution has been evaluated statistically over the winter season 2011-2012 and has confirmed the results obtained with the study case. It has been shown that a finer vertical resolution leads to the simulation of more local fog events than a coarser vertical resolution. Furthermore, these simulations emphasize that the model overestimates the cloud base height whatever the vertical resolution. In spite of the increase of good detections with a finer vertical resolution, the overall forecast quality does not change because of more frequent false alarms. These false alarms can be explained by enhanced spatial heterogeneities of simulated fogs at finer vertical resolution. Using a finer vertical resolution on a large domain increase the numerical cost, which is not affordable for operational forecasting. In this thesis, two numerical methods representing the surface boundary layer and allowing a finer vertical resolution at a low computational cost have been tested for the case study and during the winter season. The best method is based on the surface boundary layer scheme Canopy, which improves the physical behavior of the model during the onset of radiation fogs. However, the limits of the method are reached when the onset is impacted by local circulations, which they are not taken into account with this method. The fog diagnostic by Canopy reduces the frequency bias fog forecast but it does not significantly improve the overall forecast quality because of more frequent false alarms.

The dismemberment and reparations policy France followed at the end of World War II as an occupying power in Germany was a traditional approach of the victor to the vanquished. The Saar, the Ruhr, and the Rhineland were the borderlands long in dispute. One new element was the idea that while demanding these territories, an attempt at national rapprochement could be carried on through educational measures. For many Germans the University at Mainz did not balance the dismantled factories. This postwar period was characterized by European economic ills. The 1947 Marshall Plan, an American approach to restore Europe to economic health through cooperative effort, was inaugurated. It stimulated the European integration movement which flourished during the 1950’s. The 1948 Council of Europe had not lived up to expectations, in the eyes of European federalists, but the next try, the European Coal and Steel Community, (1952) proved a lusty child of the functionalist movement. When the European Defense Community died, (1954) it embittered Franco-German relations for a while. The European Atomic Energy Community and the European Economic Community completed the European Community in 1958. Through the organizations for economic integration, France and Germany have, in spite of disputes and crises, been able to compromise many divergent drives in the interest of restoring Europe to full economic capacity. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization, (1949) which originated as a joint military defense and symbolized Western unity in the face of Soviet aggression, became a seedbed of discord between France and German. When General de Gaulle became president in 1958, he pursued an active policy of rapprochement with Adenauer’s Federal German Republic seeking to establish a Paris-Bonn axis on which to base French leadership in the European Community. As leader of a West European bloc independent of the United States, France would hold that place in the first rank of nations that de Gaulle believed she must have. Chancellor Adenauer cooperated with the French president because he believed a tightly knit European group would benefit German interests. The high point in Franco-German rapprochement occurred in 1962 during the summer exchange of state visits, but by the time the Treaty was signed and ratified, (1963) the tone of Franco-German relations and changed. Disagreements on military policies in NATO, on political developments in the European Community, and on agricultural policies in EEC, all reached serious proportions at the time that Chancellor Erhard took office in 1963. The Erhard government’s shift of emphasis from a Europe focused on France to the Atlantic alliance focused on the United States led President de Gaulle to consider a new policy to replace Franco-German rapprochement which had been his primary strategy until 1963. Franco-Russian relations became noticeably warmer after the extension of long term credits by France to the Soviet Union. Germany protested this new turn in French policy. A closer French-Russian relationship may add to the discord which cooled the Franco-German accord of 1962.

In a world where conflicts and supranational entities have emerged, nationalism has become an important topic for scholars in different fields. While much debate exists on what this term actually means and encompass, little attention has been paid to the rhetoric of nationalist leaders. Through scholarly and popular literature nationalism has often been confused with patriotism and populism. This work intends to look at what nationalism is, based on patterns drawn from observations in the rhetoric of nationalist leaders (sometimes opposing them to populist rhetoric) and at the same time it intends to expose Charles de Gaulle's nationalism in his speeches during the years of World War II.

This thesis focuses on the role foreign policy played in legitimizing the early French Fifth Republic from 1958 to 1960. I argue that President Charles de Gaulle employed foreign policy in the service of gaining public support for his new government and the new republic. Many historians have argued previously that his foreign policy of grandeur, as it came to be called, was used to recast international politics and France's role in them. My work diverges from these previous interpretations by arguing that Gaullist foreign policy served, in many instances, overarching domestic goals, not French international interests. I see foreign policy as inseparable from the broader domestic ambition to craft a persuasive narrative of renewal and national unity under Gaullist stewardship. In the process, my study puts de Gaulle's foreign policy into the context of his larger aspiration to precipitate constitutional reform and, thereafter, ensure popular support. De Gaulle exploited opportunities to use foreign policy in order to shape public opinion, both domestically and internationally. These efforts, as my research reflects, helped foster public support for the new regime and, by portraying national renewal, further discredited the preceding Fourth Republic.

Le sujet de cette thèse, traite des engagements du général Koenig (1898-1970) en tant que militaire, homme politique et militant pour la cause israélienne et l‟amitié avec le peuple juif. Natif de Caen, Pierre Koenig eut dès son enfance une vocation affirmée pour la carrière militaire. Engagé volontaire pendant la première guerre mondiale, il servit ensuite en Silésie, en Allemagne et pendant une longue période au Maroc dans la Légion étrangère. Au début de la 2e guerre mondiale, il participa en 1940 à la campagne de Norvège et se rallia en juin au général de Gaulle dont il fut un des plus fidèles compagnons. Sa carrière se poursuivit en Afrique : Gabon, Levant, Libye et Tunisie. C‟est en Libye en juin 1942 à Bir-Hakeim que Koenig et ses troupes en résistant pendant plus de dix jours aux forces germano-italiennes du maréchal Rommel, ont signé un des plus grands succès des armes françaises pendant la deuxième guerre mondiale. Après la campagne de Tunisie, Koenig fut appelé par le général de Gaulle à occuper des postes importants faisant appel à ses qualités de diplomate et de négociateur : état-major d‟Alger, représentant du Gouvernement provisoire de la République Française auprès du commandement interallié et chef des Forces Françaises de l‟intérieur. Á la Libération, il fut nommé Gouverneur militaire de Paris et ensuite commandant de la zone d‟occupation française en Allemagne avec les pouvoirs civils et militaires. [etc.] / This thesis deals with the engagements carried out general Koenig (1898-1970) as a soldier, a politician and a fighter for the Israeli cause and friendship with the Jewish people. Pierre Koenig was born in Caen (France). Since childhood he had inclined always strongly to a military career. He was a volunteer during the First World War, then he served in Silesia, in Germany and in the Foreign Legion in Morocco for a long period of time. When the Second world war began, he took part in the Norway campaign early in 1940, then in June he joined General de Gaulle and became one of his most faithful companions. His career went on in Africa : Gaboon, the Levant, Libya, Tunisia. In Bir-Hakeim in Libya in June 1942, Koenig and his troops held out against Marshal Rommel‟s German and Italian forces for over ten days, thus achieving one of the greatest successes for french arms during the Second world war. After the Tunisia campaign, Koenig was called by General de Gaulle to high appointments summoning his qualities as a diplomat and negotiator. Posted first at the Algiers Headquarters, he was then the Representative of the provisional government of the French Republic next to the S.H.A.E.F. and later on chief of the Home French Forces. After the liberation of France he was appointed as “Military governor” in Paris, and afterwards commander-in-chief for the French occupation zone in Germany with civilian and military powers [etc.]

This thesis deals with transformations of French foreign policy towards Québec and Canada. The first president of the French Fifth Republic, Charles de Gaulle, as well as all his successors together with their administration supported Québec's international ambitions and its desire to be sovereign abroad in the areas that fall within its competence in internal politics according to the Canadian Constitution. This support took place mainly on the platform of Francophonie. In 1995, the presidential candidate at that time, Jacques Chirac, clearly supported sovereingty movement. After the referendum won by the federalists France started to gradually reconcile with the federal government of Canada in various international politics issues such as protection of cultural diversity and multilateralism. France is also worried that in case of Canada's separation, the English speaking rest of the country would get more easily under the influence of the United States of America. France does not intend to admit this scenario. Jacques Chirac during this twelve-year mandate was gradually deepening the cooperation with Ottawa. Nevertheless, Québec remains the privileged partner of France in the fields of culture and education that are key for French foreign policy. Former French president Nicolas Sarkozy was even clearly...

Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le 5 février 2024) / Dans ce mémoire de maîtrise, nous étudions l'histoire de ce qu'on entend aujourd'hui comme étant le chemin du Roy, une route qui lie Québec et Montréal par la rive-nord du fleuve Saint-Laurent, et nous analysons la façon dont elle est racontée au cours du XXᵉ siècle. En nous appuyant sur des concepts de l'analyse des discours et des récits, nous montrons par comparaison avec des itérations antérieures, que les discours contemporains sur la route sont issus d'une construction narrative datant de la Révolution tranquille et véhiculant des représentations de cette époque. Des articles historiques de Thomas Chapais aux guides touristiques en passant par le « Vive le Québec libre! » du général de Gaulle, les occasions de définir par un récit le chemin du Roy sont nombreuses. Or, les itérations de ce récit génésiaque se suivent, mais ne se ressemblent pas. Les faits évoqués, et leur signification, se transforment au fil du temps en corollaire de l'implantation de l'automobilisme au sein de la société québécoise. Il y a cependant une continuité dans le fait que tous les récits témoignent des préoccupations de l'époque qui les ont vu naître. À la suite du voyage du général de Gaulle entre Québec et Montréal le 24 juillet 1967, le récit se cristallise par la répétition et deux mémoires se constituent en parallèle : celle du voyage comme tel et celle de la création de la route. La première, très polémique au cours des premières décennies suivant l'événement, empêche toute appropriation collective et consensuelle de la route. Avec la neutralisation progressive de la signification politique de la route, une mise en valeur touristique à plus grand déploiement devient possible. Ainsi s'érige progressivement en lieu de mémoire un chemin du Roy tout à fait moderne. / In this master's thesis, we study the history of what is known today as the *Chemin du Roy*, or King's road, a road that links Québec and Montréal by the north shore of the St. Lawrence River, and we analyze the way which its history is told during the 20th century. By relying on concepts from the analysis of discourses and myths, we show, by comparison with previous iterations, that contemporary discourses on the road come from a narrative construction dating from the Quiet Revolution and conveying representations of this era. From historical articles by Thomas Chapais to tourist guides including "Vive le Québec libre!" of General de Gaulle, the opportunities to define *chemin du Roy* through narrations are numerous. However, iterations of this genesis narrative follow one another, but are not similar. The facts mentioned, and their meaning, are transformed over time in conjunction with the establishment of automobilism within Québec society. There is, however, continuity in the fact that all the narrations bear witness of the concerns of the time which saw them born. Following General de Gaulle's "triumphant cavalcade" between Québec and Montréal on July 24, 1967, the narrative crystallizes through repetition and two memories are formed in parallel: that of the trip as such and that of the creation of the road. The first, very controversial during the first decades following the event, prevents any collective and consensual appropriation of the road. With the progressive neutralization of the political significance of the road, greater tourism development becomes possible. Thus, a completely modern Chemin du Roy is gradually being established as a *lieu de mémoire*.