No / This article Contributes to theoretical debates on minority political participation in the UK, with specific reference to inter-generational variations within the South Asian Muslim community; Contributes to the scholarly literature on the impact and effectiveness of new political parties within the British political system, through a case study of the Respect Party; Adds to empirical primary data on strategies adopted by political parties in courting specific sections of the ethnic minority vote in the UK; Offers an empirically-led demonstration of the changes taking place within the political sphere of South Asian Muslim diasporas in Britain. In March 2012, the Respect Party won an unexpected by-election in the British city of Bradford, previously regarded as a safe Labour seat. This article examines the party's campaign strategy and in particular how it courted South Asian Muslim voters. A dominant feature of South Asian Muslim politics in the UK has been community bloc voting along lines of kinship (biraderi). The use of kinship networks for political gain effectively disenfranchised many young people and women. We demonstrate how Respect used their experience of campaigning in constituencies with significant numbers of South Asian Muslim voters to achieve an unlikely victory in Bradford. A key strategy was to mobilise otherwise politically marginalised sections of the South Asian Muslim community by offering an alternative to the culture of patronage in Bradford whilst at the same time utilising certain community structures in order to gain their own bloc votes.

Yes / On the 8th of June 2017 the United Kingdom will go the polls. The NHS will be central to the campaign. This will not just be a campaign concerned about NHS funding it never really is, there are always so many other issues. However, it will be either be consciously or subconsciously about the nature of the NHS in the immediate foreseeable future.

For many years, election results from the countryside have been a big impact for the whole nation in Thailand. In the country or sub-urban side, Chao Pho (Godfather) manipulates the elections, leaving political parties meaningless. In order to take advantages from the election, political parties have to depend on Chao Pho because they are very close to ordinary citizens. Even though Chao Pho can operate local politics and can make country area for further development, they in the meantime have made degeneration and corruption in Thailand¡¦s politics. In addition, this thesis carefully studies Chao Pho¡¦s impact from both economic and political perspectives. In theory, economic development and political reform should generate impact on Chao Pho. But in Thailand¡¦s economic development, Chao Pho has gained enormous benefits, which in return help Chao Pho to gain political power, this means that Thailand¡¦s economic development is good for the Chao Pho. From point view of political reforms, the 1997 Constitution is designated to eliminate Chao Pho¡¦s influence. In fact, from the two elections after the 1997 Constitution, money politics is still popular in Thailand and Chao Pho is still influential. The Thai Rak Thai Party had successfully echoed the needs of the lower level people, but it still needs supports from Chao Pho during the elections, due to their abundant resources. Finally, this thesis argue that Chao Pho¡¦s political influence has not been weakened by the economic development and political reform, rather, Chao Pho continually becomes the most important political force in Thailand.

No description available.

Das primäre Ziel der Studie ist die Herstellung von Nachrichten durch vermittelte buzzwords zu verstehen. Vermittelte buzzwords werden von Medienhäusern und verbreitet durch Zeitungen oder Nachrichtenkanäle geprägt. Hier liegt der Schwerpunkt insbesondere ist zu untersuchen, wie vermittelte buzzwords hergestellt werden durch Zeitungen vor einer Wahl und wie diese buzzwords auf die Wähler, den Einfluss von Nachrichten konditionieren. In diesem Zusammenhang ist das größere Ziel Medien-Politik-Gesellschaft Wechselbeziehung in einer der größten Demokratien in der Welt und einer der bedeutendsten südasiatischen Ländern heißt Indien zu erkunden. Die Studie nimmt eine Gesellschaft zentrierten Ansatz, der Medien als soziale Institution betrachtet und zielt darauf ab, die verschiedenen Funktionen und Wirkungen in den Beziehungen zu anderen sozialen Einrichtungen nämlich Politik und Wähler zu analysieren. In diesem Licht setzt diese Studie, dass die Medien die Rolle vis-a-vis der Politik (Staat) und die Wähler (Gesellschaft) im Umfang liegt, auf die sie beeinflusst und wirkt sich auf die letztere. / The primary aim of the study is to understand manufacture of news through mediated buzzwords. Mediated buzzwords are coined by media houses and disseminated through newspapers or news channels. Here the focus in particular is to explore how mediated buzzwords are manufactured by newspapers before an election and how these buzzwords condition the influence of news on the electorate. Within this context, the larger goal is to explore media-politics-society interrelationship in one of the biggest democracies in the world and one of the most significant South Asian countries i.e. India. The study adopts a society centric approach that views media as a social institution and aims at analyzing its various features and effects in its relations with other social institutions namely politics and electorate. In that light, this study posits that media’s role vis-a-vis politics (state) and the electorate (society) lies in the extent to which it influences and impacts the latter. This study will explore media’s influence on General Election 2014 in India with the help of mediated buzzwords identified through primary and secondary sources, analyze the relationship between buzzwords and newspapers (represented by the media houses) disseminating them and explore the impact and influence of these mediated buzzwords on the electorate cutting across different social locations. This study has three primary foci – to identify mediated buzzwords and issues during General Elections of 2014 in India, to analyze how the mediated buzzwords were used by the media houses to manufacture news during General Elections of 2014 in India, and to assess the effects of these mediated buzzwords on the formation of political opinion of the electorate during General Elections of 2014 in India.

In this examination project I look into what ways upper secondary school students conceive themselves as politically influenced before they voted for the general election of 2010. The purpose is to examine which influences the upper secondary school surroundings and the classes of civic education are contributing with to students before they voted. As a method, I have used personal, semi-structural interviews on eight upper secondary school students who all voted for a party represented in the parliament. I have asked questions about how they believe their parents, the surroundings of their school and the classes of civic education have influenced them. To separate which influences primarily the upper secondary school and the classes of civic educations have had on the students, I have selected two comparison groups of four students in each. One group contains only parent-influenced students whereas the other group contains only not parent-influenced students.   My findings show that the upper secondary school surroundings have played an important part to both student groups and the outcome may be theoretically generalized to all upper secondary school students studying natural science. The influences related to the classes of civic education have had a diversified outcome, mostly on not parent-influenced students. Therefore, this piece of result cannot be theoretically generalized to all natural science students. Not parent-influenced students also perceive themselves as more influenced by miscellaneous meaningful people, than do parent-influenced students.   I understand the results as students not concurring with their parents politically, are more inclined to chase their political identity among their peer friends and other meaningful people. They are also more open-minded in the teaching moments of political parties, also during the political debate throughout the civic education. Finally, I discuss how the results should be viewed by teachers in civic education and what role the upper secondary school continues to play, as a political socialization agent.

The aim of my thesis is to analyze the process of the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election and identify the factors that had the biggest influence on the election results. The paper is divided into three chapters. The first chapter describes the rules for electing the U.S. president, the second chapter focuses on issues and the third on other factors that decided the election. My thesis is thus a study of how the U.S. president was elected in 2008 and of the issues currently most discussed in the American society.

What explains the difference between the county level vote received by President Donald Trump and U.S. Senator Marco Rubio in the 2016 Florida general election? Over the last couple of decades, Florida has earned a reputation for being a highly competitive state that impacts control of the White House and congress. As Florida’s electorate becomes increasingly diverse, will the Democratic Party begin to win more often as their usual base grows, or will the Republican Party figure out a way to remain competitive? The 2016 general election presents an opportunity to analyze the structure of support for two Republican candidates who represent different paths for the future of the Republican Party: Trump, who won Florida by just one percent, and seemingly alienated Hispanics and women with his comments and policy proposals; or Rubio, who won by about eight percent, a Cuban-American thought to be a fresh voice for the GOP and a bridge to Hispanic voters. Regression analysis is used to examine support for Trump and Rubio and also the difference in support between the candidates. The results indicate Trump did better in counties with larger percentages of lower educated whites, lower income households, and higher unemployment rate. Rubio performed better than Trump in counties with larger numbers of Cuban and non-Cuban Hispanics, women, and voters not registered with either major party. These results suggest that Democrats may gain ground in Florida over time if the Trump wing of the GOP takes over the party and if current population trends continue.

Rinkiminė kampanija yra ypatingai reikšminga politinio proceso dalis, nes tuomet bet kokia kaina stengiamasi parduoti savo “produktą”. Politikos veikėjai, siekdami įgyti rėmėjų, privalo patraukti visuomenę, o tam pasiekti gali būti naudojami skirtingi politikų komunikacijos stiliai. Politikui svarbu pasirinkti tokį komunikacijos stilių, kuris padėtų pasiekti kuo didesnę dalį tikslinės auditorijos ir ją pritraukti. Politiko rinkimų kampanijos stilių ir padeda nustatyti žiniasklaida, kuri įvardina ir įvertina kandidato stilių: įvairias/keletą priemonių naudoja; negatyvią/pozityvią, aktualią/neaktualią žinią nori perduoti; daug/nedaug, mielai/vengdamas bendrauja su žmonėmis ir pan. Tyrimo objektas – D. Cameron ir G. Brown rinkimų kampanija, tyrimo dalykas – D. Cameron ir G. Brown komunikacijos stiliaus formavimas rinkiminės kampanijos metu. Šio darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti D. Cameron ir G. Brown rinkiminės kampanijos komunikacijos stiliaus bruožus. Iškeliamos dvi pagrindinės hipotezės: H1:D. Cameron, būdamas opozicinės partijos lyderis, rinkimų kampanijoje naudoja negatyvią informaciją, nukreipta prieš G. Brown vyriausybę; H2: G. Brown, būdamas pozicijos premjeras, remiasi pozityvia taktika, tikėdamasis dar penkerių metu. Tyrimo metu nustatyta, kad Cameron rinkiminė kampanija buvo kuriama nuosekliai, siekiant sukurti modernios partijos lyderio įvaizdį, tačiau nepavyko visiškai atsiriboti nuo M. Thatcher ir jos sukurto partijos prekės ženklo. Rinkiminės kampanijos šūkiai buvo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their ‘product’ at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown‘s election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign... [to full text]

General Election to the House of Commons Abstract The aim of this thesis is to analyze the electoral process of general elections to the House of Commons of the British Parliament. The text analyzes the problematics of the two basic questions. The first question is, in regards to the scope, more comprehensive, and it is an analysis of the aforementioned general elections. The second area of the matters relates closely to the first area and concerns the referendum on changing the electoral system in 2011. The text is logically structured into four chapters, which are usually further divided into subsections. The first chapter is devoted purely to the British Parliament in general, spanning from their historical origins to today's modern appearance. It also includes a brief specification of both of the Houses, including their composition and a scope of work. The second chapter is discussing the matter of general elections, the introduction to this chapter is devoted to applied electoral system. This system is based on the principle of "first past the post", which belongs to the "family" of majority electoral systems. The specifics of the application of the system are mentioned, pointing out the benefits and so-called system errors that the system entails. Next subsection discusses the systematics of election...