This thesis examines the British monarchy in the eighteenth century and how the philosophy of Frederick, Prince of Wales, helped to shape that monarchy. The early Hanoverians were seen with contempt by many of their subjects, often being ridiculed as ignorant outsiders. They helped matters none by their indifference to Britain, its people, or its culture. Prince Frederick, George II’s eldest son, however, changed all of this. His philosophy on kingship, influenced by Henry, Viscount Bolingbroke’s work, The Patriot King, helped to change the perception of the Hanoverian dynasty. When Prince Frederick died in 1751 before he could take the throne, it was left up to his son, Prince George, to carry out Frederick’s vision. As George III, he fulfilled the philosophy and became the embodiment of the patriot king. This resulted in a surge in popularity for the Hanoverians, solidifying their place on the British throne.

Thesis (D. Min.)--New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary, 1991. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-264).

This thesis examines the discursive construction of Russian national identity through the 2008 war in Georgia with a focus on how this process was influenced by the Russian leadership’s desire to gain the support of both the domestic and international audiences for its actions outside its borders. These actions involved forceful military intervention, the recognition of the independence of the two Georgian break-away republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and the decision to place Russian military troops in the two republics during the aftermath of war. The study critically examines the official Russian discourse, with a focus on particular visions of national identity that this discourse utilized. The study demonstrates how the official discourse in the context of the 2008 war contributed to the construction of Russian national identity and thereby seeks to highlight the performative power of language. By placing considerable focus on the internal dimension of the Russian leadership’s conduct in the international arena, i.e. the consolidation of the national community in the event of war, the thesis contributes to an oft overlooked element of Russian foreign policy initiatives. Consequently, it seeks to challenge the tendency to explain Russian actions with regard to the war as a natural result of a neo-imperialistic identity – a tendency that fails to take into account how national identity can be constructed in its more immediate context. By making use of Rogers Brubaker's concept of nationalism as an event, the study discusses the increased force of nationalism during war and demonstrates how this was clearly the case during the 2008 war in Georgia. The analysis concentrates on three main identity visions within the official Russian discourse. Firstly, it examines how contemporary Russia was constructed as a great power, partly as a response to the claims that it was an imperialist state. Secondly, it discusses the role of certain historical concepts, i.e. the Cold War and the Soviet Union, within the discourse and elaborates upon the act of politicising history. Thirdly, the study analyses the Russian leadership’s protection narrative that emphasised the responsibility to protect Russian citizens and compatriots in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It is demonstrated how these different identity visions were intertwined, resulting in a rather contradictory official discourse that speaks to many different audiences simultaneously, while foregrounding the first of the above-mentioned identity visions, namely of Russia as a great power.

No description available.

Pavla Ksiazkiewiczová Německo-ruské vztahy na pozadí ukrajinské krize a rusko- gruzínské války Abstract The thesis examines the German response to the Ukrainian Crisis in 2008 and the Russo- Georgian War in 2014. On the background of these two conflicts, I would like to demonstrate the German-Russian relations and their deterioration in the past years. My main research question was why did Germany decide to support and advocate the EU sanctions against Russia during the Ukrainian Crisis in 2014, when they did not promote such a solution in the 2008 during the Russo-Georgian War. My hypothesis is that German foreign policy shifted from the economic interests-oriented approach towards norm-oriented one. I am working with the theory Foreign policy analysis, which studies the management of international relations and state's activities. This theory can be understood as a critique towards dominant structural approach in international relations because it says that foreign policy is determined by the domestic policy. I constructed the German response to the Ukrainian Crisis and the Russo- Georgian War using qualitative discourse analysis. With this method I am analyzing the statements of those actors, who influence German foreign policy.

No description available.

<p>Seasonal and annual water-level fluctuation is a primary mechanism that maintains high aquatic biodiversity in coastal marshes of the Laurentian Great Lakes by preventing formation of dense mono-cultures of emergent or submergent plants. The past 14 years of sustained low water levels in Georgian Bay (Lake Huron) have prompted proposals to impound coastal wetlands as a way to mitigate against desiccation. We hypothesize that a loss of hydrological connection with the Great Lakes would lead to altered water chemistry and an expansion of emergent vegetation at the expense of aquatic habitat. This could result in a fish community with reduced diversity which may positively impact the larval amphibian community. On the other hand, bird communities may respond with only short-term gains, and may not demonstrate long-term benefits without active management. We investigate how long-term severance of hydrological connection between coastal marshes and Georgian Bay affect ecosystem functions. We compare food web components of a chain of three coastal wetlands in Tadenac Bay that were sequentially impounded by beaver activities over the past 5 decades. We also surveyed the food web of Wye Marsh, which was impounded over 80 years ago, and compare it with that of Matchedash Bay, which had never been impounded. In both cases, there were negative impacts of impoundment on water chemistry, vegetation and fish communities. Bird communities showed no significant differences but larval amphibian diversity was greater in the beaver impoundments than in the hydrologically connected coastal wetland. Based on our results, we do not recommend impounding Georgian Bay wetlands as a means to restore and maintain water levels.</p> / Master of Science (MSc)

La présente recherche se réunit quatre questions générales et cruciales : 1) La place de la Convention européenne des Droits de l’Homme en droit Géorgien; 2) La conformité de la législation géorgienne avec la Convention Européenne des Droits de l’Homme; 3) Les relations de la Cour Constitutionnelle de Géorgie et de la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme; 4) L’impact des décisions de la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme sur la Géorgie. Sur toutes ces questions, contrairement aux Etats de l’Ouest de l’Europe, il existe peu d’information et/ou d’ouvrages sur la Géorgie, ce qui a rendu notre tâche longue et délicate. Il convient en effet de rappeler au lecteur de l’Europe occidental que la Géorgie est un Etat en développement. La Géorgie, située entre la Turquie et la Russie, pendant toute son histoire a été obligée de s’orienter vers une politique de défense. L’histoire de la Géorgie indépendante recommence après la chute de l’URSS en 1991. La Géorgie a adhéré au Conseil de l’Europe en 1999, mais les processus de l’européanisation du droit national commencent à partir 2004. La Convention Européenne des droits de l’Homme est un mécanisme efficace pour la protection des droits de l’Homme et les activités de la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme suscitent un vif intérêt en Géorgie. Cependant, dans des relations juridiques, y compris devant le tribunal, l’application des standards européens des droits de l’Homme n’est pas un objectif en soi. Il faut que les juges, avocats, procureurs et les représentants d’autres professions juridiques garantissent, au cours de leurs activités, le respect des standards des droits de l’Homme existants.Dans le cadre de la présent recherche, on examinera l’influence de la Convention Européenne des Droits de l’Homme sur le Droit Géorgien a partir de la ratification de la Convention Européenne des Droits de l’Homme en 1999, jusqu’au 28 février, 2014 en deux directions : 1. Le statut de la Convention Européenne des Droits de l’Homme dans le Droit Géorgien (PARTIE I) et 2. La Géorgie face à la Cour Européenne des Droits de l’Homme (PARTIE II). / The given research unites four main questions: 1. Place of European Convention on Human Rights in Georgian Law. 2. Conformity of Georgian legislation with the European Convention on Human Rights. 3. Conformity of Constitutional Law judgments with the standards established by the European Court of Human Rights. 4. Judgments of European Court of Human Rights against Georgia.In connection to all these questions there is very little information and work in Georgia, which has made us study them better – on the ground of actuality of the given questions. We’ve considered discussing to the West European reader that Georgia is a developed country. It is located between Turkey and Russia, during its whole history it had to be orientated on the self-defense policy. History of Independent Georgia starts in 1991 by destruction of the Soviet Union. In 1999 Georgia became a member of the European Union, but National Law in Georgia and Europeanization process of State Institutions started in 2004. Human Rights European Convention represents an effective standard of Human Rights, accordingly activities of European Court of Human Rights causes great interest in Georgia. Despite all these in the legal circles, between them use of Human Rights European standards have become obligatory in the courts. It is needed that the judges, advocates, procurators and representatives of other legal professions have to actively use the existed standards of Human Rights Protection. In the framework of the given research we will investigate influence of European Convention on Human Rights with Georgian Law and starting from ratification of European Convention by Georgia – since 1999 – till February 28, 2014 included in two directions: 1. Place of Human Rights European Convention in Georgian Law (part I) and 2. Georgia against European Court of Human Rights (part II).

This thesis examines the Great West Window at Exeter Cathedral designed by William Peckitt of York (1731-95). Peckitt was arguably the most important glass designer of the eighteenth century and undertook prestigious commissions at York, Oxford and elsewhere. In 1764 he was contracted by the Dean of Exeter, Jeremiah Milles, to supply glass to complete the restoration of the Cathedral’s glazing and to make the new window, which has often been considered to be his masterpiece. Peckitt’s Great West Window is no longer extant (although portions of it have been salvaged), having been replaced in 1904 with a window, designed by Messrs Burlison and Grylls, which was itself destroyed by enemy action in 1942. The Burlison and Grylls window was more in keeping with the Gothic revival aesthetic typical of the later nineteenth century and its proponents had argued forcefully that Peckitt’s Great West Window was an aberration that needed to be removed. The thesis provides initially an account of the debate that raged in the national press and beyond about the propriety of replacing Peckitt’s window. This documentary evidence gives a valuable insight into attitudes towards the adornment of churches at the turn of the century: should respect for the extant fabric include Peckitt’s one-hundred-and-fifty year-old contribution or should the building be renovated with a modern medieval-revival window. Until recent times it was largely the case that eighteenth-century glass was regarded as wholly inferior to the medieval glass that preceded it and it is widely accepted that glass making in Britain only recovered with the nineteenth-century Gothic revival and the modern glass that followed it. In this thesis it is suggested that the denigration of eighteenth-century glass and in particular that of William Peckitt at Exeter, ignores its qualities, practical and intellectual, and the Great West Window is used to reveal the seriousness of such endeavours. Peckitt’s work is positioned within the context of the particular circumstances of the restoration of Exeter Cathedral in the mid-eighteenth century under two successive Deans, Charles Lyttelton and the aforementioned Jeremiah Milles, both of whom were nationally significant antiquarian scholars. Peckitt was knowledgeable about medieval glass techniques, worked sensitively in restoring medieval glass and when designing a completely new window for the Cathedral worked closely with Milles to provide an iconographical scheme that was appropriate for the Cathedral, its history and its patrons. The evidence brought forward suggests that it is wrong to presume that glass designers like Peckitt had little understanding of medieval glass manufacture nor any interest in using the medium of glass appropriately in the context of a medieval building.

This thesis examines the interaction of Georgian painting and national politics in the first two decades of Soviet power in Georgia, 1921-1939, focussing in particular on the period following the consolidation of Stalin's power at the helm of the Communist Party in 1926-7. In the Stalin era, Georgians enjoyed special status among Soviet nations thanks to Georgia's prestige as the place of Stalin's birth. However, Georgians' advanced sense of their national sovereignty and initial hostility towards Bolshevik control following Georgia's Sovietisation in 1921 also resulted in Georgia's uniquely fraught relationship with Soviet power in Moscow in the decades that followed. In light of these circumstances, this thesis explores how and why the experience and activities of Georgian painters between 1926 and 1939 differed from those of other Soviet artists. One of its central arguments is that the experiences of Georgian artists and critics in this period not only differed significantly from those of artists and critics of other republics, but that the uniqueness of their experience was precipitated by a complex network of factors resulting from the interaction of various political imperatives and practical circumstances, including those relating to Soviet national politics. Chapter one of this thesis introduces the key institutions and individuals involved in producing, evaluating and setting the direction of Georgian painting in the 1920s and early 1930s. Chapters two and three show that artists and critics in Georgia as well as commentators in Moscow in the 1920s and 30s were actively engaged in efforts to interpret the Party's demand for 'national form' in Soviet culture and to suggest what that form might entail as regards Georgian painting. However, contradictions inherent in Soviet nationalities policy, which both demanded the active cultivation of cultural difference between Soviet nationalities and eagerly anticipated a time when national distinctions in all spheres would naturally disappear, made it impossible for an appropriate interpretation of 'national form' to be identified. Chapter three, moreover, demonstrates how frequent shifts in Soviet cultural and nationalities policies presented Moscow institutions with a range of practical challenges which ultimately prevented them from reflecting in their exhibitions and publications the contemporary artistic activity taking place in the republics of the Caucasus and Central Asia. A key finding of chapters four and five concerns the uniquely significant role that Lavrenty Beria, Stalin's ruthless deputy and the head of the Georgian and Transcaucasian Party organisations, played in differentiating Georgian painters' experiences from those of Soviet artists of other nationalities. Beginning in 1934, Beria employed Georgian painters to produce an exhibition of monumental paintings, opening at the Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow in 1937, depicting episodes from his own falsified history of Stalin's role in the revolutionary movement in Transcaucasia. As this thesis shows, the production of the exhibition introduced an unprecedented degree of direct Party supervision over Georgian painting as Beria personally critiqued works by Georgian painters produced on prescribed narrative subjects in a centralised collective studio. As well as representing a major contribution to Stalin's personality cult, the exhibition, which conferred on Georgian painters special responsibility for representing Stalin and his activities, was also a public statement of the special status that the Georgians were now to enjoy, second only to that of the Russians. However, this special status involved both special privileges and special responsibilities. Georgians would enjoy special access to opportunities in Moscow and a special degree of autonomy in local governance, but in return they were required to lead the way in declaring allegiance to the Stalin regime. Chapter six returns to the debate about 'national form' in Georgian painting by examining how the pre-Revolutionary self-taught Georgian painter, Niko Pirosmani, was discussed by cultural commentators in Georgia and Moscow in the 1920s and 30s as a source informing a Soviet or Soviet Georgian canon of painting. It shows that, in addition to presenting views on the suitability of Pirosmani's painting either in terms of its formal or class content, commentators perpetuated and developed a cult of Pirosmani steeped in stereotypes of a Georgian 'national character.' Further, the establishment of this cult during the late 1920s and early 1930s seems to have been a primary reason for the painter's subsequent canonisation in the second half of the 1930s as a 'Great Tradition' of Soviet Georgian culture. It helped to articulate a version of Georgian national identity that was at once familiar and gratifying for Georgians and useful for the Soviet regime. The combined impression of cultural sovereignty embodied in this and other 'Great Traditions' of Soviet Georgian culture and the special status articulated through the 1937 exhibition allowed Georgian nationalism to be aligned, for a time, with support for Stalin and the Soviet regime.