Submitted by ALLANA CEARÁ (allanaceara@bol.com.br) on 2018-09-04T16:03:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Allana Ceará..pdf: 785799 bytes, checksum: 66ec82f48f3fbc911be3ed3b885f46df (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-09-04T18:24:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ceara_a_me_mar.pdf: 785799 bytes, checksum: 66ec82f48f3fbc911be3ed3b885f46df (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-04T18:24:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ceara_a_me_mar.pdf: 785799 bytes, checksum: 66ec82f48f3fbc911be3ed3b885f46df (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Com o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, estabeleceu-se no mundo, sob o comando dos Estados Unidos e, em posição secundária, da Inglaterra, um sistema de governança global cujos principais pilares – a ONU com seu Conselho de Segurança, o FMI, o Banco Mundial e o GATT (agora OMC) – que permanecem até os dias de hoje como os fóruns relevantes para a discussão e encaminhamento dos grandes problemas econômicos e políticos internacionais. Ocorre que a conjuntura política que levou à prevalência desse sistema há muito deixou de existir. Com a debacle da União Soviética e o consequente fim da Guerra Fria pareceu que o mundo finalmente havia chegado a uma situação unipolar na qual o único país hegemônico seria os Estados Unidos. Tal cenário entretanto não durou mais que uma década, a de 1990. Com a chegada do século XXI um novo quadro se formou com a ascensão de novos polos de dinamismo econômico no mundo. O acontecimento mais relevante foi a ascensão dos países em desenvolvimento e nomeadamente a ascensão da China. Por outro lado, a liderança política e econômica dos Estados Unidos, sobretudo após a crise de 2008, começou a ruir. Abriu-se assim um vazio na política internacional e um quadro de grande incerteza. De um lado, os Estados Unidos e seus aliados europeus fazem de tudo para garantir os privilégios herdados do sistema de governança herdado do pós-guerra, mesmo que isso implique, no limite, em ir à guerra. De outro lado, a ascensão da China nas relações internacionais tanto políticas quanto econômicas, o surgimento de novos fóruns de cooperação com a participação de países médios, por exemplo, IBAS, BASIC, BRICS, Organização de Xangai, ASEAN, dentre outros, as crises financeiras globais como a de 2008, uma maior multiplicidade de atores com voz nas decisões internacionais, exige mudanças no atual sistema de governança. É nesse quadro que o debate atual sobre uma reforma da governança global se desenvolve. Esse trabalho tem como objetivo estudar, neste contexto, a relação entre Brasil e China, visando compreender em que medida ambos cooperam e se cooperam com o objetivo de reformar o atual sistema. Sob essa perspectiva, a pesquisa parte dos acontecimentos a partir da Guerra Fria até o mandato da presidente Dilma Rousseff, tendo enfoque nas mudanças ocorridas na China e nas relações políticas sino-brasileiras. / With the end of World War II, a system of global governance was established in the world under the command of the United States and, in a secondary position, of England, whose main pillars - the UN with its Security Council, the IMF, the World Bank and the GATT (now WTO) - which remain to this day as the forums relevant to the discussion and referral of major international economic and political problems. It happens that the political conjuncture that led to the prevalence of this system has long ceased to exist. With the debacle of the Soviet Union and the consequent end of the Cold War it seemed that the world had finally reached a unipolar situation in which the only hegemonic country would be the United States. This scenario, however, did not last more than a decade, that of 1990. With the arrival of the twenty-first century a new framework was formed with the rise of new poles of economic dynamism in the world. The most relevant event was the rise of developing countries, including the rise of China. On the other hand, the political and economic leadership of the United States, especially after the crisis of 2008, began to crumble. Thus, a vacuum emerged in international politics and a picture of great uncertainty. On the one hand, the United States and its European allies do their utmost to secure the privileges inherited from the system of governance inherited from the post-war era, even if this implies, at the limit, going to war. On the other hand, the rise of China in international political and economic relations, the emergence of new forums of cooperation with the participation of medium-sized countries, for example IBSA, BASIC, BRICS, Shanghai Organization, ASEAN, among others, crises globalization such as 2008, a greater multiplicity of actors with a voice in international decisions, requires changes in the current governance system. It is within this framework that the current debate on a reform of global governance develops. This study aims to study, in this context, the relationship between Brazil and China, aiming to understand to what extent both cooperate and cooperate with the goal of reforming the current system. From this perspective, the research starts from the events of the Cold War to the term of President Dilma Rousseff, focusing on the changes that have taken place in China and in Sino-Brazilian political relations.

The last few decades have witnessed the emergence of global civil society advocacy networks as major players in global governance. This research aimed at using a case study of GCAP in critically analysing the politics and dynamics of crafting a global civil society advocacy alliance. Specifically, the study aimed to: a) identify, analyse, and document GCAP’s experiences, strategies and challenges in trans-national networking and advocacy; b) generate knowledge on recent developments in global civil society networking and advocacy. The study analyses the study phenomenon using two central features of GCAP: networking and advocacy. Chapter one attempts to give a background of the study and also discusses the methods used. Chapter two lays the theoretical framework and operationalises the concepts explored in the study. The report argues that alliances are very different from ‘normal’ forms of organisations because they are made up of diverse forms of organisations, coming together voluntarily to achieve a specific purpose. They are therefore, by their very nature, complex, unstable, and difficult to co-ordinate. Chapters Three and Four look at such intricacies and complexities of crafting and operations of global advocacy networks. I conclude this research arguing that despite challenges in alliances building and operations, global civil society organisations will still need to network if they are to remain relevant and effective in current global governance context. It is only in their unity that they will be able to confront their common challenges.

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No / The aim of this chapter is a comprehensive analysis of various aspects of the emergence of BRICS. We begin with an examination of emergence of BRICS showing that BRICS have been members of the top 15 largest economies in the world since 1960. In purchasing power parity terms, by 2015, BRICS have equalled G7 countries in terms of the share of global output. Various possible explanatory factors of their growth are examined. Though BRICS account for nearly a half of global output growth, in terms of real per capita income, BRICS have a long way to go. There are many challenges to BRICS in terms of the levels of income and wealth inequalities, the educational inequalities as measured in terms of education-Gini and the quality of their infrastructure notwithstanding the massive investments being made remains inadequate. We also analyse the nine BRICS summits so far and the text analysis of these declarations suggests that such summits are becoming more formal and focused on specific policy outcomes and creation of new institutions for deepening multilateral co-operation. The chapter ends with an analysis of global governance issues and four possible future scenarios of BRICS.

This PhD thesis provides an analysis of how an adaptive governance approach can be applied to address existing and emerging challenges in global governance with a focus on marine, wild-capture fisheries. All the papers share a coupled social-ecological framing while providing diverse but complementary perspectives. Paper I provides a lens through which it is possible understand the types of interactions that link social and ecological components of fisheries systems at the global scale. The key result of this paper was the development of a marine social-ecological framework to guide future modelling and scenario analysis. Paper II describes the process of emergence and spread of new ideas in marine governance using Marine Spatial Planning as an illustrative case study. The study shows how governance innovations may contribute to resolving the mismatches between the scale of ecological processes and the scale of governance of ecosystems. A key finding of the paper is the identification and explanation of the mechanisms by which informal networks of actors are able to influence the emergence and spread of new governance forms from the local to the global scale. Paper III focuses on governance of ocean areas beyond national jurisdiction. The key finding from this paper is the urgent need for existing and emerging governance institutions to build capacity for responding to the challenges facing governance of marine fisheries. These challenges arise from unexpected shifts in markets, technology and society. Paper IV develops a set of four imaginative but plausible ‘radical’ futures for global fisheries drawing on trends compiled from a diverse evidence base. The four resulting narratives aim to act as lenses for engaging debate and deeper reflection on how non-linear changes in technology and society might radically shift the operating context and core assumptions of fisheries governance in the future. These papers make a novel contribution to Sustainability Science through their focus on 1) the conditions for, and mechanisms of emergence of diverse and divergent governance forms, 2) the role of agency in complex actor settings, 3) the need for governance institutions to not only deal with, but also be able to anticipate surprise, and 4) the development of scenarios of marine social-ecological futures using a creative and rigorous narrative approach. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 4: Manuscript.</p>

What explains the shift towards greater direct public oversight of financial markets in international financial regulation that has characterized the response to the global financial crisis of 2007-2010? Over this period, the main international financial regulatory bodies have abandoned the market-based mechanisms that had informed their approach towards the regulation of different financial domains in the years before the crisis and significantly expanded the perimeter of state-based regulation. However, the extent and the timing of this shift cannot be regarded only as the by-product of the crisis, nor they can be explained by the existing interpretations of the political determinants of international regulatory policies. This study builds upon existing state-centric explanations of international regulatory policies, but it goes beyond these works by exploring how the preferences of the most influential countries in response to the crisis have been influenced by variations in the degree of public salience of different financial domains. More specifically, this study argues that the lasting increase in the public salience of financial regulatory policies in the US and different European countries since the last quarter of 2008 has created strong incentives for elected officials in these countries to challenge the market-based approach that had emerged in the decade and half before the crisis and to directly interfere in the international regulatory agenda. In order to explain this shift, this study will analyse the evolution in the international governance of three sets of markets and institutions that have occupied an important position in the international regulatory agenda in recent years: 1) OTC derivatives; 2) rating agencies; 3) hedge funds. Besides making an empirical contribution to the literature on the politics of international financial regulation, this study also contributes theoretically to this literature by deepening our understanding of the nexus between international regulatory coordination and domestic public opinion.

What explains the creation and strengthening of international securities market standards through the International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO)? This thesis addresses this question by analyzing the creation and strengthening of four of IOSCO’s international securities market standards between 1991 and 2010 relating to the following issues: the governance of cross-border financial crime, the objectives and principles of domestic securities market regulation, the regulation of credit rating agencies, and the regulation of hedge funds. This thesis argues that the creation and strengthening of these standards is derived from the role and influence of three different political actors: the transgovernmental network of securities market regulators, domestic legislatures, and states. The role and influence of these different political actors differs across issue areas and across time. To account for the differentiated sources of international securities market standards, this thesis proposes a Principal-Agent (PA) analytical framework. Domestic legislatures (the principal) delegate to securities regulators (the agent) the authority to oversee and regulate domestic securities markets by granting regulators specific forms of statutory authority. Exercising discretion within this act of delegation, domestic securities regulators act together in a transgovernmental network to create and strengthen international securities market standards. They are prompted to act by threats to the integrity and stability of developed financial centers from under-regulated or ineffectively regulated foreign financial centers, as well as by new policy preferences of domestic legislatures seeking to regulate previously unregulated financial market actors. Domestic legislatures also use multiple agents to ensure that agents act consistent with their policy preferences: their concerns about the costs of under-regulated foreign jurisdictions can generate direct pressure from states on international financial regulatory institutions to strengthen the implementation of international financial standards. This thesis makes an empirical contribution to existing literature by analyzing previously understudied international securities market standards. This thesis also makes a theoretical contribution to both IPE literature and PA theory within International Organization (IO) literature. For IPE literature, this thesis establishes a theoretical framework that accounts for the differentiated role and influence of the transgovernmental network of securities market regulators, domestic legislatures, and states in the creation and strengthening of international securities market standards. For PA theory within IO literature, this thesis highlights the role of the principled professional interests of the transgovernmental network of securities market regulators in creating and strengthening international securities market standards.

Zugl.: Oestrich-Winkel, Europ. Business School, Diss., 2008

Universiẗat, Bachelorarb.--Osnabrück, 2008.