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Abstract The conflict in northern Uganda between the Government of Uganda and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) began in 1986 and lasted for more than twenty years, despite efforts for a peaceful resolution. The contribution  of civil society, including religious groups, traditional organizations, and community self-help groups shouldnot be under estimated in promoting grassroot peace building in northern Uganda. Civil society groups in northern Uganda provided alternative reports, exposed atrocities against civilians, facilitated negotiations, promoted reconciliation, supported livilihoods, and influenced external peace interventions during the Juba peace talks. However, the peace talks and reconciliation process in Juba yielded no positive results, and the conflict was referred by the government to the ICC in 2003.  This thesis examines this conflict and the various ICC interventions in Uganda. The focus of this thesis is on the nexus between the ICC's involvement and the judicial process in the country. The Museveni effect, war crimes and crimes against humanity, crimes of aggression, and the provision of justice to the victims of the war in the northern Uganda are therefore believed by Ugandan civil society to have influenced the ICC's interventions in Uganda's legal sector. The conclusions of the thesis reveal that the ICC contributed to the peace process in the country by promoting accountablity to the law and by contributing to the deterance of future atrocities through its actions and activities in Uganda. At the centre of investigations, this thesis employs the theories of neo-colonialism and constructivism. Keywords: Uganda, Civil Society, International Criminal Court, Fugitive, Lord's Resistance Army, war crimes, crimes against humanity, Constructivism, Neo-colonialism, Intervention, Principle.

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Efter finanskrisen 2007–2008 blev jordbruksmark attraktiv som en investeringsmöjlighet, vilket innebar att många utländska företag, stater eller privata investerare förvärvade storskaliga områden av odlingsbar mark. Detta fenomen, som kallas för land grabbing, är särskilt förekommande i utvecklingsländer och det globala syd. Trots påståenden om att sådana investeringar kan bidra till utveckling och möjligheter i fattiga länder, visar forskning att det i själva verket har motsatt effekt. Syftet med detta arbete är att genomföra en litteraturstudie för att undersöka konsekvenser av land grabbing i Etiopien. En kvalitativ forskningsstrategi som består av litteraturstudie har använts. Med hjälp av aspekter inom teorier om försörjning såsom naturkapital, fysiskt kapital, mänskligt kapital, finansiellt kapital och socialt kapital samt tematisk analys har litteraturen analyserats. Resultatet visar att storskaliga land grabbing i Etiopien har en direkt påverkan på den lokala befolkningens försörjningsmöjligheter som undermineras genom förluster av mark samt tillgång till mark och viktiga naturresurser. Studien visar även att de utländska markinvesteringarnas hantering och produktion av bland annat kaffe, biobränsle, gruvdrift vidare har en negativ påverkan på miljön, biologisk mångfald och det lokala ekosystemet. Detta har resulterat i en matosäkerhet och socioekonomisk utsatthet bland befolkningen. Studien visar också att lokalbefolkningen inte inkluderas i beslutsfattande som rör deras mark och att de oftast inte får tillräcklig kompensation/ersättning för förlust av mark eller andra tillgångar, vilket tyder på brott mot mänskliga rättigheter. / After the financial crisis of 2007–2008, agricultural land became an attractive investment opportunity, which meant that many foreign companies, states, or private investors acquired large-scale land areas. This phenomenon, called land grabbing, is particularly prevalent in developing countries and the global south. Despite claims that such investment can contribute to development and opportunity in poorer countries, research shows it has the opposite effect. The purpose of this work is to conduct a literature study to investigate the consequences of land grabbing in Ethiopia. A qualitative research strategy consisting of a literature study has been used. The data was analyzed by using aspects of the livelihood approach such as natural capital, physical capital, human capital, financial capital, and social capital as well as a thematic analysis. The results show that large-scale land grabbing in Ethiopia has a direct impact on the livelihood of the local population, which is undermined through losses of land and access to land and important natural resources. The study also shows that the foreign land investments' management and production of, among other things, coffee, biofuel, and mining also harm the environment, biological diversity, and the local ecosystem. This has resulted in food insecurity and socioeconomic vulnerability among the population. Furthermore, the study also shows that local people are not included in decision-making concerning their land and they often do not receive sufficient compensation for the loss of land or other assets, which indicates violations of human rights.

This study looks at the capital of Colombia, Bogotá’s mobility department, and how this institution is using the bicycle as a tool to brand the city. Bogotá has had a remarkable increase in bicycle ridership for several years, this duo to the city's implementation of bicycle lanes and politicians that have incorporated planning that favors this transport method. Even so, the city still has challenges in making bicycle transportation inclusive for everyone. Research suggests that to make a city more inclusive, it is important to understand the struggles and dilemmas within the current planning. This study examines questions such as: Which group or specific users are a dilemma when planning and developing Bogota as a bicycle city? Why is this group or user a challenge or dilemma in the planning? And: Does this group fit into the planner's vision of a cycling city? Through interviews with important stakeholders, academics, and bicycle representatives, the study identified Bicycle messengers as a dilemma. Some representatives of this group are also interviewed. Together with field observation, the theoretical framework, and the found data, this study analyzes the three-research question and answers why bicycle messengers are a dilemma for planners, as they pose a security risk. This finding is further discussed in the paper along with the theories of place branding, the right to the city, and a southern theory approach. Exploring the fact that the mobility department's own vision and branding can be one of the causes of finding this group to be a dilemma.

This study has examined responses from three non-profit organizations IOGT-NTO, Forum and LSU about a government investigation into new democracy conditions for government grants. The paper will be a theory trying and will try to see if the non-profit organization will mostly focus on their ideals or if there are other motives that can explain their responses. The reason this subject is interesting is because there is a lack of research into how non-profit organizations work in a country where a large amount of the income is not either from members nor from philanthropies but comes instead from government grants. Three models will be tested. Marketization which claims that non-profit organizations are acting more alike to for-profit organizations, principal instrumentalism which claims that organizations act to gain the largest amount of money to achieve as much as possible according to their mission and emotional model theory which claims that higher emotions such as morale is the driving factor for them.   The conclusion of this paper was that non-profit organizations were not worried about having their grants pulled. Instead they criticized the investigation for not taking into account the damage to personal integrity for representatives of the non-profit organizations and the bureaucratization the new rules would lead to. The study showed that marketization was discredited but principal instrumentalism and emotional model theory were both similarly supported.

As environmental problems today are understood as being problems of collective action, they also depend on the broad engagement of individual citizens for their successful solution. Institutions directed towards resolving the environmental situation need, accordingly, to be perceived by the citizenry as promoting acceptable goals, for acceptable reasons and by the use of acceptable means. In short, institutions aiming at instigating and sustaining collective action need first to be perceived by the collective itself as being legitimate. Emanating from the notion of public acceptance as essential for long-term effective policies, this thesis takes a first step towards an evaluation of the degree of legitimacy for Swedish environmental policy. In this endeavour, its primary purpose is to elucidate and study the foundations for policy legitimacy, that is, the normative principles embedded in political sustainability aspirations and expressed through the official Swedish environmental policy discourse. The main aim of this thesis is, accordingly; To explore, map and analyse the values, beliefs and principles underpinning Swedish environmental policy aiming at involving household members in the work towards an environmental sustainable society, as reflected through official policy documents and policy instruments in-use on both national and municipal levels of government. By the use of a value-oriented qualitative text analysis of both national and municipal policy documents, the normative foundations of Swedish environmental policy are outlined. Through this approach, important insights are reached in terms of how people, according to policy-makers, are expected to reason in environmental matters; what motivations are used to guide behaviour in this field; and what kinds of policy instruments and motivational statements are deemed the most effective for making people comply with new environmental norms of behaviour. Additionally, by applying three different conceptions of citizenship as the analytical framework by which the environmental norm is analysed, the thesis also examines to what extent the Swedish image of the ‘environmental citizen'; on the rights - obligations balance; on her motivations, values and participation in the environmental work, either express an image of a new ecological citizenship or keeps firmly within the traditional framework of the state - individual relationship. The thesis concludes first, that the normative foundations of Swedish environmental policy, on the national as well as the local level of government, draw strongly on collectivist values. All Swedish citizens are bound by a contract based in the membership of the Swedish community and shall therefore dutifully contribute to the common good by actively doing their bit in building the Green People's Home. The state - individual relationship is therefore interpreted as being contractual, territorially bound and based on the expectance of reciprocity. The responsibilities for political authority is, consequently, framed as to actively enlighten the citizens on what is considered the good life, and to steer the citizenry towards making (objectively defined) responsible or informed choices in everyday life. Education for sustainability thus plays an important part as the policy instrument of choice. In this context, the thesis also concludes that the environmental norm is, in almost unaltered form, transferred down to local authorities. Local level environmental policy thereby rests on the same normative foundations as the national policy discourse. Secondly, although Sweden has taken important steps on the way towards instigating new, environmental duties and responsibilities with the citizenry and towards expanding the citizenship sphere to encompass also the private, the image of the environmental citizen provided in the official environmental discourse still predominately resides within the framework of traditional, albeit environmentally sensitive, (civic-republican) citizenship. / Godkänd; 2006; 20070109 (haneit)

This essay will examine Poland and the potential impact of the European Union on the democratization in the former communist state. From being an integral part of the Soviet Union influential sphere to become one of the biggest countries by population and by military capacity in the EU. Poland joined the EU 2004 but did not get the same status as the importance of Germany or France, however they decided to join because the guarantee that the country would not be marginalized in European politics which they had been before. Dahls´ five democratization criteria which all democratic countries need to follow will be applied to Poland and its democratization process. The purpose of this essay is to see if Poland’s democracy improved after joining the EU with Dahl´s five democratization criteria. Poland has had a very fast democratization process where they in just 15 years went from a totalitarian dictatorship to a full fledge democracy. According to Dahl´s five democratization criteria Poland has managed to achieve them and one of the ways they managed to achieve them were by joining the European Union in 2004. By accepting the Lisbon agreement in 2007 Poland took a giant step in the right direction to be considered a full fledge democracy. This was also a milestone in the democracy in Poland as they now where a part of the deciding part of the European Union.

In this paper I will argue for the need for a change of norms in the global governance system in regards to development aid. I argue that liberal norms of justice and distribution of wealth have a negative effect on development aid practices. This study is a normative political theory and the material researched is relevant literature sources. The suggested new norms are, first; anarchic theory which views the state as an instrument to inforce inequality and second; the communist theory of redistributive justice “From each according to their ability, to each according to their needs”. The global governance system’s institutions will be argued to solely include civil society organisations. The argument for a new structure additionally lies in the need to make development aid less prone to creating and re-institutionalising neo-colonial relations. Development aid, or as it largely has been practised, loans, has historically forced underdeveloped nations into submission by global power states. Power states that through the use of the loan and specifically the lender's debt can further drive their interests. Instead the wellbeing of the receivers shall stand in focus, and it is the communities who receive development aid who shall dictate the terms, not their governments nor other governments. The aid shall hence be proportionate. This will enable development aid to be given in a contextual and more constructive way, by and for the people who have requested to receive funding.