The practise of euthanasia is not new. There was general support for voluntary euthanasiathroughout Roman antiquity in lieu of prolonged suffering. This paper will use a normativeframework with an argumentative structure to argue for the legalisation of euthanasia andphysician-assisted suicide to support terminally ill persons' autonomy rights concerning selfdeterminationand well-being. Further, the paper will argue in favour of the Netherlands model ofeuthanasia and physician-assisted suicide as being superior to the Belgium model. The aim is toillustrate why the refusal to legalise euthanasia and physician-assisted suicide for terminally illpersons violates the person's rights.The paper also aims to contribute to the debate on this complex and relevant topic. The line ofreasoning will incorporate discourse and critiques concerning why euthanasia should not belegalised and assert that they seem to be founded on invalid argumentation. Moreover, thearguments presented will encompass the utilitarian theory of the right action being theconsequences with the most significant outcome. Finally, the thesis affirms that denying aterminally ill person access to euthanasia and physician-assisted suicide when making end of lifedecisions violates and restricts their human right to autonomy concerning self-determination andwell-being. Thus, euthanasia and physician-assisted should be legalised, and if legalised, theNetherlands model is superior to the Belgium model.

This bachelor thesis highlights how queer women of color perceive their racial, gender and sexual identity in targeted areas in Sweden. This is achieved from a constructivist lens using a case studies design in qualitative research. By using Intersectional theory, exploring the connection between race, gender, queerness and class and the unique experience this creates. Six different queer women of color from targeted areas were interviewed and the results showcased exclusion in both targeted areas as well as general Swedish society because of their collective, unique experiences of inhabiting marginalized intersectional identities. Furthermore, the results are discussed as a consequence of oversexualizing black women’s bodies, a systemic creation of an excluding divide in Swedish society and the lack of belongingness for queer people of color.

This thesis investigates media representations of female ex-combatants in ideologically polarized countries, looking to the case of Colombia. It employs a theoretical framework grounded in gender and framing theory, exploring how the dimensions time perspective, invisibilization, dehumanization, irrationality, victimization, and tone shape portrayals of female ex-combatants. A quantitative content analysis is performed on the three newspapers El Espectador, El Tiempo, and El Nuevo Siglo, to compare the relative frequency of these dimensions across newspapers of different ideological orientations. The results show that left-leaning media is more likely to portray female ex-combatants in an active manner through direct quotes, humanization, and rational portrayals, whereas right-leaning media are more likely to engage in invisibilization and passive portrayals. While these results confirm a tendency to invisibilize female combatants, the limited presence of dehumanization and irrationalization indicate a reduction of explicit negative bias. The findings suggest that in ideologically polarized countries, opposition to gender-sensitive peace processes can diminish gradually, which underscores the importance of sustained efforts for inclusivity.

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In recent years, the state, through state intervention, has played an essential role in promotingand attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) and Multinational Corporations (MNCs). FDIand MNCs play important roles in national and global economy in the contemporary world.This study examines the role of state intervention in attracting FDI and MNCs, by undertakinga single case study of Singapore from 1965 to 2019. The study concludes by analysing the roleof strategic state intervention in attracting FDI and thousands of MNCs. The study draws twomain conclusions: First, state intervention attracted FDI and thousands of MNCs. Second, thestate used both free market principles and state inteervention to attract foreign investment. Key Concepts : State Intervention, Multinational Corporations, Foreign Direct Investment

This study investigates how to enhance Sámi participation in EU Arctic policymaking processes by adopting and adapting participatory practices from the Arctic Council. Through a qualitative content analysis of policy documents and elite interviews, the study identifies that the EU can learn from the Arctic Council by recognizing the Sámi as internal actors, developing their collaborative platforms, and integrating Indigenous Knowledge into policymaking processes. This thesis develops a conceptual framework, integrating the concepts of procedural and intergovernmental self-determination, epistemic belonging, and organizational interdependency to define meaningful Indigenous participation and influence, which guides the analysis. Using this framework, the study contrasts the Arctic Council’s successful practices, where Indigenous Peoples Organizations are treated as equals, with the EU’s tendency to view the Sámi as an external Indigenous group outside of EU borders. The study identifies opportunities for the EU to translate participatory mechanisms that reflect the Sámi’s unique position and integrate their knowledge, as well as barriers such as treaty and resource constraints. By translating Artic Council practices into soft-law, the EU can create an inclusive atmosphere, contributing to meaningful Sámi participation.

This study is an offensive realist comparative analysis of the drone policies used by the Bush administration and Obama administration during the Global War on Terror. The emergence of violent non-state actors have led to states having to develop new strategies for countering them. Drones were used by the United States in order to combat al-Qaeda, using new technologies in warfare to achieve this goal. This research addresses a gap by focusing on drone policies rather than the legality and morality of drone attacks or the effectiveness of drone strikes. This paper uses three offensive realist concepts; power maximisation, security maximisation and preventive warfare. The method used is a comparative analysis of the Bush administration, with the operationalisation of each concept. The findings of this research show that the drone policies used by each administration can be explained by the three offensive realist concepts. The Obama and Bush administrations prioritised power and security maximisation, while the Obama administration employed preventive drone strikes to a higher degree than the Bush administration. These findings are significant as offensive realism was able to explain the drone policies made by the United States during an asymmetric conflict.

The long-term process of providing ex-combatants with social, psychological, economic, and political assistance, known as reintegration, can be argued to be the most crucial part of disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR). Through providing resources, reintegration policies, have the potential to reshape the landscape of political and socioeconomic opportunities in society, thereby assisting ex-combatants in reintegrating into civilian life. This thesis analyzes Colombia's reintegration policy for the 2023-2026 plan. By focusing on the beginning of the causal chain, this research identifies the resources in the policy which can reveal their potential effects on the longer causal chain. The aim is to analyze Colombia’s current reintegration policy in relation to DDR research, utilizing the policy feedback framework to assess which resources are identified as important. This analysis employs a qualitative systematic study with a focus on policy analysis using the policy feedback framework. The identified resources are categorized into three groups: social, economic, and non-material. The analysis results indicate that all resource types were found, with social resources being the most emphasized, followed by non-material and economic resources. This suggests that social resources are considered the most important in the current reintegration policy.

The primary purpose of this study is to examine the degree to which participatory approaches are implemented in evaluations of development programs and projects, because several scholars have researched the benefits of including participatory approaches. This is studied through a case study of Sida’s evaluations. As Sida claims to be committed to implementing participatory approaches, two evaluations were chosen based on a least likely logic. A typology consisting of four levels of participation is used to determine to which degree a participatory approach is implemented in the evaluation. The main finding of the analysis of the two evaluations is that the level of participation in the two evaluations is on an instrumental level, i.e. the second lowest level in the typology. Because of this, it is concluded that Sida’s evaluations have at least an instrumental level of participation.