The relationship between Israel and the US, as well as Israel and Russia are well documented, as it serves as a key aspect within the struggle for power and influence within the Middle East. However much research has been made on the topic, few have analysed how the relationship between Israel and the two others have affected the three, creating what could only be viewed as a blindspot within scholarship on the topic, as the relationships did not start in, nor are maintained within a vacuum. Therefore true understanding of the situation cannot be reached without properly contextualising the three nations together and how the interactions between Israel, Russia and Israel, US create rippling effects that can be seen through the three and how they view and interact with one another. The objective of this study is to shine light on the intricate balancing act that Israel maintains, as well as to explore the rationality behind Israel forming an alliance with Russia, the biggest directly rivalling force towards the US, which indeed is and always have been Israel's closest ally. The Thesis is conducted as an abductive desk study of the relationship between Israel, Russia and the US. The data that has been collected is a compilation of historical context to the relationship between Israel, Russia and the US, research on the current relationship between the three, statements made by the governments and leaders of the states, as well as news-media reporting on the relationships. The data will be used to determine the rationality behind the Israeli-Russian relationship and further understand the benefits of cooperating with a state which is so fundamentally the opposite in regards to norms and values.

The purpose of this essay is to explain Chinas growing presence in Africa through a case study regarding the relationship with South Africa and highlight the specific features of this Chinese presence. In order to achieve the essays goal two theoretical perspectives will be applied to examine the data. These two theoretical perspective is the theory of imperialism defined by Johan Galtung and Rational Choice theory defined by Vivien Lowndes, et al. Through a textual analysis of the sources used, the essay has found that Chinese finance projects in Africa that are commercially viable and mutually beneficial for the African countries still somehow have an negative impact on the African countries development. The textual analysis also account for the motives and reasons behind Chinese presence on the continent as lack of resources as the main reason for China and the lack of a developed society for the African countries. The essay examine as well the consequence with the Chineses expansion on the continent for the African sovereignty and their development in the future.

There are frequent reports of cyber intrusions in everyday media. Attacks in the cyber domain have become commonplace and even USA with the world’s largest military falls short in deterring all hostile actors from conducting actions such as espionage and theft in the cyber domain. Considering the hardship of a superpower like the USA of deterring hostile action in the cyber domain, the question arose of how a small state such as Sweden aspire to solve this problem. The aim of this thesis was to describe Swedish strategy by using an analytical framework based upon N.J. Ryan’s theory of successful cyber deterrence. The results show that only deterrence by association can be clearly identified within current Swedish strategy. The current action plan for information and cyber security does not contain processes that changes this fact. Försvarsberedningens rapport om motståndskraft expresses that norms exist for the cyber domain and work continues to develop them further. This entails that the components of deterrence by norms and taboos is part of Swedish strategy, although not clearly expressed in the current version. To deter by punishment or denial, actions are needed to provide credibility. There are no clear threats of retaliation in the strategy, nor is it clearly expressed what capabilities Sweden possesses to act defensively or offensively within the cyber domain.

Syftet med denna studie var att sprida ljus över det svenska bemötandet av den så kallade ‘hederskulturen’. Studien gör detta genom att undersöka svenska myndigheter och svenska ideella verksamheter, med ett distinkt fokus på kvinnan, och tvångsäktenskap som en del av den tidigare nämnda hederskulturen. Tidigare forskning har visat att den svenska kulturen och hederskulturen är varandras motsatser. Forskningen har också påvisat komplexiteten av att existera inom hederskulturen, speciellt i Sverige, och hur detta kan påverka den enskilda individen (i detta fall kvinnan) på olika sätt. Vad tidigare forskning inte har visat är på vilket sätt Sverige hanterar den problematiska hederskulturen och denna studie ämnade då att fylla den kunskapsluckan. För att undersöka hur myndigheter och ideella verksamheter bemöter hederskulturen ställdes följande forskningsfrågor; hur ser svenska myndigheter och ideella organisationer på den svenska hedersutsatta kvinnan när det gäller tvångsäktenskap? Vad är kvinnans ställning inom den svenska kulturen och vad är hennes ställning inom hederskulturen? Hur sker det praktiska bemötandet av hederskulturen? För att besvara forskningsfrågorna genomfördes sex semistrukturerade intervjuer baserade på ett målinriktat urval. Genom att använda den ‘mångkulturella triaden’ och ‘individ- och gruppcentrerat tankesätt’ som ett teoretiskt ramverk visade det sig att den individuella kvinnan är en del av två kollektiv; hederskulturen och den svenska kulturen, som i sin tur kan leda till en inre och yttre konflikt. Därtill visade det sig att även fast Sverige är ett individualistiskt land, så arbetar myndigheter ibland med ett gruppcentrerat tankesätt. Resultatet visade att bemötandet av hederskulturen skiljer sig från ideell organisation till organisation, men även mellan de ideella verksamheterna och myndigheter och drar slutsatsen att ett holistiskt och systematiskt bemötande är nödvändigt. / The purpose of this qualitative study was to highlight the Swedish treatment of the so-called ‘honour culture’. It does so by examining Swedish authorities and Swedish non-profit organisa­tions, with a distinct focus on the woman and on forced marriage as part of said honour culture. Previous research has shown that Swedish culture and honour culture are opposites. It has also shown that the complexity of existing within the honour culture, especially in Sweden, and how it can affect the individual woman in different ways. It has however not shown the distinct way Sweden deals with the problematic honour culture itself. To investigate how authorities and non-profit organisations deal with honour culture the following research questions were asked; how does Swedish authorities and non-profit organisations view the Swedish woman, affected by honour culture, in regards of forced marriage? What are the women’s standing within honour culture and what is their standing within the Swedish culture? How does Swedish authorities and non-profit organisations deal with honour culture? To answer the research questions six semi structured interviews were performed based on a strategic selection process. Using ‘the multicultural triad’ and ‘individual and group-centred mindset’ as theoretical framework it is shown that the individual woman in this case is a part of two collectives; the honour culture and the Swedish culture which can result in conflict. It is further shown that though Sweden is an individualistic country its governmental treatment is sometimes group centred. The results show that the treatment of honour culture differ from organisation to organisation, but also between organisations and authorities and concludes that a holistic and systematic treatment is needed.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka Eskilstuna kommuns styrning för att se om dem är påverkade av NPMs tankar om hur organisationer ska styras. För att undersöka detta använder jag mig av en kvalitativ innehållsanalys där jag undersöker kommunens policyer angående ledarskap. För att kunna applicera dessa på NPMs tankar har jag bland annat använt mig av Lena Agevall och Roland M. Almqvist definitioner av vad begreppen betyder.  Slutsatsen av min undersökning var att Eskilstuna kommun är starkt influerad av NPMs tankar och att deras styrsätt bygger på NPM. För att forska vidare inom ämnet skulle det vara möjligt att jämför Eskilstuna kommun med en likande kommun antingen i Sverige eller internationellt för att de om deras styrning påverkats på samma sätt av NPM men istället för att göra en fallstudie skulle man gå kunna genomföra en jämförande analys.

Good governance and development have been two dominating concepts in the debate by development oriented scholars. However, are the two concepts necessarily compatible with each other? This research will analyze and discuss good governance and its link to development in a critical study of the liberal inspired governance. It will take its basis in modernization theory and use Adrian Leftwich´s  five elements as criteria for analyzing  the developments in four countries in sub-Sahara Africa more specifically Togo, Ghana, Nigeria and Côte d'Ivoire, These five elements will be applied to the developments in each country which all are scrutinized on the basis of data on the characteristic of good governance from UNDP, the World Bank and Freedom House . Not only will x good governance as such be analyzed but in particular the link between good governance and governance. Thus, the definitions of governance will be an important at question to deal with. In all the four countries much still remains for good governance to be implemented in a way that it contributes to development. Ghana does however show some positive signs.

This thesis examines the role of aggregated mean levels of Social Trust and Political Trust in national climate policy outcomes of Climate Taxation. The aim of the study is to contribute with the first quantitative macro-level comparative study of how Social Trust and three different forms of Political Trust1, the independent variables, affect national climate policy outcomes of Climate Tax Revenue, the dependent variable. In pursuit of this aim the study utilise fixed effects regression models based on bi-annual Time-Series-Cross-Sectional data of 24 OECD countries over 12 years. To operationalise the independent variables the study draws on individual-level survey-data from the European Social Survey Round 2-7 (2004-2014) and to operationalise the dependent variable the study uses tax revenue from Energy and Transports from the OECD-database Policy Instruments for the Environment.  The theoretical framework draws on behavioural approaches to social dilemmas in theorising that Social- and Political Trust facilitates cooperation and lowers transaction costs in order to overcome Social Dilemmas based on separate mechanisms of Networks and Institutional Safeguards. The study finds significant evidence for two of its hypotheses, as higher levels of Social Trust is correlated positively with higher Climate Taxes, and higher levels of Trust in International Organisations correlate negatively with Climate Taxes. Moreover, the study finds significant but contradictory evidence concerning two of its hypotheses, as higher levels of Trust in Political Institutions and Trust in Implementing Authorities correlate negatively with Climate Taxes. However, there are some indications that the assumption of no perfect multicollinearity does not hold for the fixed effects regression model and as such the results could be compromised.  To the knowledge of the author, this thesis outlines the first macro-level comparative study on the role of Social- and Political Trust in determining national climate policy outcomes of Climate Taxation that are generalisable in an OECD-country context. Future research is encouraged to scrutinise these preliminary findings in comparative analysis of both OECD and non-OECD countries.

The main objective of this study was to explore the problems and solutions surrounding the discursive reality of Swedish drug policy and, at the same time, determine whether its policy could be deemed paternalistic. The theoretical framework used in this study consists of various paternalistic theories – ranging from general paternalism to legal paternalism. The methodological approach is based on Mörkenstams three-dimensional applied method, consisting of the following framework: problem – reason – solution, with its foundation relying on the principles of methodological discourse analysis. The material researched ranges from 1984 through 2000 and consists of two governmental official investigations (SOU) and two government bills. The material was carefully chosen due to each document's contribution to the development of Swedish drug policy under the last two decades of the 20th century. Each document was surveyed using the consistent method of problem – reason – solution. The conclusion is that the use and misuse of narcotics cannot be accepted by the Swedish society. This problematic situation corresponds with the clarification of a need for societal institutions to better collaborate against all forms of illicit drug use. In addition, it is concluded that paternalistic tendencies are shown throughout the policy documents.

The main problem of this thesis was the comparative analysis of the procedures in place in Sweden and Italy for the reception and support of LGBTI asylum seekers fleeing from war. The aim was to understand if the Swedish and Italian asylum and social systems are supporting and protecting the rights of LGBTI asylum seekers equally, also by uncovering how these procedures affect individuals. The method used to carry out this study was analysis of secondary documents. Queer and migration research, as well as reports, were used to provide a general framework to the issue, while country-specific data was sought in current domestic legislation and country reports carried out by local and international NGOs invested in LGBTI and migrants rights. The gathered information was examined from a descriptive, critical and constructive perspective, and placed within a prevailing comparative framework. Indeed, at the core of the study, lies a comparison between procedural differences in Sweden and Italy concerning the reception and protection of LGBTI asylum seekers who flee war. It was found that in Sweden and Italy people seeking refuge from war torn countries have much higher possibilities to be granted asylum than any other group of migrants. However, with regards to LGBTI asylum seekers from other countries, the social and asylum system of both are structurally violent in that the exclusion and discrimination against sexual minority refugees is the standard. In fact, LGBTI asylum seekers face similar challenges related to their intersectional identity in Sweden as well as Italy, although to different degrees: compared to Italy, Sweden has more standard procedures set in place that help queer asylees have a better experience. Nevertheless, neither systems hold up to the standard they should as consistent reports describe unlawful practices that violate humanitarian law and breach of Article 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights. Ultimately, LGBTI asylum seekers appear to have virtually no control over any aspect of their application or experience in the asylum and social system in Sweden as well as Italy. Therefore, rather than experiencing a newfound freedom, in entering the Italian and Swedish democratic spaces, these individuals simply experience a different kind of oppression.

Polisvåld mot afroamerikaner är ett stort problem i USA. Våldet är ett tydligt rasistiskt uttryck gentemot en specifik grupp i samhället som utsätts oproportionerligt, vilket innebär att deras rättigheter inskränks. Syftet med studien är att undersöka vilka faktorer som ligger till grund för polisvåldet mot afroamerikaner i USA samt hur våldet påverkar deras rättigheter. Fokus i denna studie ligger på två teorier som hävdar att det är olika psykologiska och politiska faktorer, samt rasistiska strukturer som ligger till grund för polisvåldet. Polisvåld är ingenting som endast påverkar enstaka individer, utan har en indirekt/direkt påverkan på alla afroamerikaner. Detta innebär att även de personer som inte utsätts för fysiskt våld kan påverkas på ett psykiskt sätt, vilket har en stor påverkan på hälsan.