The leadership of powerful states in processes of institutional bargaining is significant, though still widely ignored subject in the field of International Relations (IR). Particularly, China’s active involvement and, in fact, leadership in the regime formation has drawn wide attention from scholars and policy analysts alike. The discussion to follow, therefore, focuses on the leadership role of China in the international regime process. This study uses a qualitative content analysis method in theory-driven case study research. The suggested Oran Young’s leadership theory which includes such basic factors as structural power, practice of the negotiations skills and ability to generate ideas, is aimed at analyzing the complex leadership potential of China in the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) process. Additionally, the study utilizes desktop research and therefore secondary sources, including numerical data to support this study. The findings demonstrate that China’s leadership role in the FOCAC process is influential and effective. Chinese practice of structural power, negotiation skills and knowledge leadership through the FOCAC corresponds well with its foreign policy strategy. Finally, Chinese policies in the FOCAC process show high flexibility when it comes to the complexity of China-Africa relations and China’s ability to adapt to the new circumstances.

Since China launched open door policy of economic reform in 1978, China has registering a sustained economic growth, which made it one of the worlds¡¦leading economies, also became the world's third biggest economy. Since late 1980s, China has not only became the world factory, with huge market, cheap labor force, and the main destination of foreign direct investments, but also became a world class political power whose influence is continuously growing in Asia and all over the world. China has also paid much attention to Africa region Since 1950s. China provided grant, interest-free loan, and low-interest loan to African nations at that time. After 1980s, in order to promote the share in common with Africa, China gradually took reform in foreign aid institutions and foreign aid management systems in various forms. After the end of the Cold-War, the foreign aid concept within western nations had put more focus on the development and cooperation. China was also deeply influenced by this trend; as a result, it led to the normalization of ¡§South-South Cooperation¡¨. In this research, the author analyses the development and strategies of China's Africa foreign aid policy, and tries to examine China's methods and objectives under the international political and economic new order. The result reveals that while China pursuing the political and economic interests through the foreign aid, it must be exchanged with African nations so that the internal and external of foreign aid project could move forward. The establishment of FOCAC in 2000 was a three year of frameworks and goals for Sino-Africa in relative cooperation areas. China published the ¡§China's Africa Policy¡¨ in January 2006, who also declared to establish a new strategic partnership relations with African nations. It was also a dollar diplomacy competing era between China and Taiwan since 1990s, and China tried to aid every African nation diplomatic ally in order to prevent other African nations from establishing relationships with Taiwan.

<p>Since the beginning of the new millennium, China has opened itself to the outside world and in an enormous pace increased its contacts and relationships with other countries. The trigger to these dramatic changes of economic and foreign policies is the insight that China can no longer sustain its rapid economic growth, largely based on industrial production, on energy and raw materials from China alone.</p><p>Good relations with African countries have been of highest priority in China’s strategy of “Going global”. The new African policy is based on the two principles of mutual benefit and non-interference in internal affairs – as opposite to the West’s strategy of structural adjustment programmes (SAP), which include massive interference in internal affairs. China’s renewed interest in the African continent has spawned much enthusiasm from African leaders, paving the way for massive contracts of infrastructural construction and official aid as well as grants and loans. There has, however, also been massive protests from the West on the Chinese presence in African countries and on its emerging role as the continents preferred business and development partner. China has been accused of propping up anti-democratic regimes as well as of blunt disregard of the human rights and the environment. Albeit when viewed over time, much of the Western criticism of China’s supposed crimes, and worse, was committed during the colonial era. Behind the accusations lies instead a very real threat to the Western control over Africa’s natural resources, particularly oil and natural gas.</p><p>Because of the Chinese presence and activities in 48 of 54 African countries and the strikingly prosperous sino-african relations, the West has been forced to reconsider its aid and development policies to be able to compete with China. This has created a unique situation for African countries where two opponents compete in offering advantageous development and aid packages in exchange for extraction contracts on various natural resources. As a result of what could rightfully be called a new scramble for Africa’s resources, African countries now have the opportunity to play the contending China and West against each other in an attempt to benefit from the best possible offer. The dangers of this game should however, not be disregarded.</p>

Since the beginning of the new millennium, China has opened itself to the outside world and in an enormous pace increased its contacts and relationships with other countries. The trigger to these dramatic changes of economic and foreign policies is the insight that China can no longer sustain its rapid economic growth, largely based on industrial production, on energy and raw materials from China alone. Good relations with African countries have been of highest priority in China’s strategy of “Going global”. The new African policy is based on the two principles of mutual benefit and non-interference in internal affairs – as opposite to the West’s strategy of structural adjustment programmes (SAP), which include massive interference in internal affairs. China’s renewed interest in the African continent has spawned much enthusiasm from African leaders, paving the way for massive contracts of infrastructural construction and official aid as well as grants and loans. There has, however, also been massive protests from the West on the Chinese presence in African countries and on its emerging role as the continents preferred business and development partner. China has been accused of propping up anti-democratic regimes as well as of blunt disregard of the human rights and the environment. Albeit when viewed over time, much of the Western criticism of China’s supposed crimes, and worse, was committed during the colonial era. Behind the accusations lies instead a very real threat to the Western control over Africa’s natural resources, particularly oil and natural gas. Because of the Chinese presence and activities in 48 of 54 African countries and the strikingly prosperous sino-african relations, the West has been forced to reconsider its aid and development policies to be able to compete with China. This has created a unique situation for African countries where two opponents compete in offering advantageous development and aid packages in exchange for extraction contracts on various natural resources. As a result of what could rightfully be called a new scramble for Africa’s resources, African countries now have the opportunity to play the contending China and West against each other in an attempt to benefit from the best possible offer. The dangers of this game should however, not be disregarded.

Si la coopération sino-africaine dans le sillage des indépendances nationales des années soixante a trouvé son ferment dans l’idéologie révolutionnaire et l’esprit de Bandung, il n’en est point question de la nouvelle phase qui s’ouvre à l’aube du XXIème siècle. En effet, les mutations internationales intervenues dans la charnière des deux siècles, le renouvellement des acteurs des deux côtés et les réalités endogènes propres à chaque partie, ont accéléré l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère où l’économie devient la pierre angulaire de la coopération. La naissance du FOCAC traduit la volonté de mieux coordonner les relations entre la Chine et l’Afrique, en même temps qu’elle donne la mesure de l’intensité et du volume de leurs échanges. Quelle est donc cette institution qui regroupe autant d’Etats ? Quels sont ses fondements théoriques? Et quelle réponse apporte-elle aux nombreux contempteurs de la présence chinoise en Afrique ? Telles sont les principales articulations de ce travail. / Whereas the China-Africa cooperation under the tough era of decolonization in 1960’s was strongly fostered by shared revolutionary ideology and Bandung spirit, that is not the case in the new phase in the early 21st century. Indeed, the deep changes occurred between the two centuries, the renewal of leaders within both sides and internal challenges faced by them, speeded up the entrance into a new era where economy becomes the cornerstone of their cooperation. The birth of FOCAC reveals the willingness to handle effectively the relationship between China and Africa, as well as it shows the intensity and the seize of their trade. What is that institution gathering together so many countries? What are its theoretical foundations? And what kind of response it provides to those who belittle China offensive in Africa? These are shortly, the main outlines of this work.

The purpose of this essay is to explain Chinas growing presence in Africa through a case study regarding the relationship with South Africa and highlight the specific features of this Chinese presence. In order to achieve the essays goal two theoretical perspectives will be applied to examine the data. These two theoretical perspective is the theory of imperialism defined by Johan Galtung and Rational Choice theory defined by Vivien Lowndes, et al. Through a textual analysis of the sources used, the essay has found that Chinese finance projects in Africa that are commercially viable and mutually beneficial for the African countries still somehow have an negative impact on the African countries development. The textual analysis also account for the motives and reasons behind Chinese presence on the continent as lack of resources as the main reason for China and the lack of a developed society for the African countries. The essay examine as well the consequence with the Chineses expansion on the continent for the African sovereignty and their development in the future.

The thesis focuses on China's economic diplomacy in Africa. The theoretical part deals with the concept of economic security (as a part of soft security) and economic diplomacy (as a way how to secure economic security). Africa is just one of many areas where China is engaged. The objective of the thesis is to identify the particular policies of China's economic diplomacy. The thesis is divided into four parts. The first part deals with the theoretical concepts, the second part with the energy security and policy in China. The third part deals with the individual areas of cooperation between China and Africa and China's main principles of cooperation. The main areas are international trade, foreign direct investment and foreign aid. The last part describes the Chinese cooperation with two particular countries -- Angola and Sudan.