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Academics within the field of education have produced extensive research. The purpose of previous studies has often been to explain the underlying causes, with a generalizing result, to how education operate within a nation. To contribute with an urban perspective, this studies aim is to research how parents from different socio-economic backgrounds in Mexico City are reasoning about their children’s schooling and education. What individual choices they have made and how the social context has impacted on these choices. The respondents were selected through a snowball selection using interviews with semistructured questions for data collection. The material was coded into two themes, individual level and societal level. The respondents with wealthier and poorer socioeconomic background were analysed separately and then compared and summarised. The theoretical framework is a combination of the human capability approach together with the findings in previous research. A finding in the research is that education is perceived differently depending on the socio-economic background. The respondents with wealthier socio-economic background are referring to the future work career and economic security as benefits for their children. The respondents with poorer socio-economic background are mentioning the opportunity to change their lives and “to not become like them”. Despite the different benefits mentioned, all respondents’ value education as the most important investment in life for their children. The conclusion drawn from the study is, that no matter what their socio-economic background is education a high priority.

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The aim of this study has been to investigate and describe what strategies the Social Democratic party used in the Swedish parliament when faced with a new dimension in politics, namely a green dimension that was disconnected from the traditional left-right wing spectrum that had dominated Swedish political life for decades. The theoretical background to this study was from Bonnie Meguids research on mainstream parties and niche parties. The research question that was posed was: Within a green dimension, what strategies did the Social Democrats use against the Swedish Green Party during the years 1987 to 1992? The method used in this paper was a deductive method using a quantitative content analysis. A code scheme was constructed with the purpose of coding policy positions in bills, communiqués and parliamentary motions. The analysis of the results showed that the conclusions that could be drawn were that the social democrats employed different tactics at different times. In the beginning before the green party entered parliament, the social democrats used a mostly dismissive tactic along side an adversarial tactic, and a minor converging tactic. When the Green Party entered parliament, they used a more adversarial tactic along side a dismissive tactic but also started changing their rhetoric to sound more like green party. During the parliament year of 1991/1992, they again used a bit more converging tactics alongside the mainly adversarial and dismissive strategies.

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The European Union has been a discussed subject for many years. The conversed areas have been everything from special state interests, refugee crisis, sizes of cucumbers and if the European Union has a sense of community. One of the most debatable fields has been the agricultural policy; control of goods by the union and influence on other markets. This study illustrates what the union controls in form of agricultural production, although mostly aspects around the international agency of the EU, illustrated by the common agricultural policy.   In the liberalised decade of 2010, the rich and powerful European Union still continues to maintain protectionism and customs, and at the same time conduct an aggressive expansion policy. Their current actions in this political area appear abnormal when observed from an analytical perspective. The nations within the EU are all in front line when it comes to everything from technical to democratic perspectives. They are all advocates of freedom, human rights and openness, but are at the same time part of this controlled and restrictive policy regarding their food.   The aim of this essay is not only to illustrate the relationship between the EU and its member states in question of agricultural policies. Also how less fortunate parts of the globe, in particular sub-Saharan African countries, are affected by the contemporary agricultural policies. The presented empirical material will be analysed through three political ideologies, which will represent conservatism, socialism and liberalism within the international political economy. The ideologies combined with the empirical material together with ideology analysis and qualitative text analysis will discuss the question of the essay, which will end up in the final analysis and conclusion.

One of the countries where the basic academic education is problematic to achieve is Tanzania. Despite the multiple attempts to increase enrolments and decrease dropouts through new partnerships and organizations, high level of drop out still occur in the country. Two research questions were composed in aim to understand why this drop out phenomenon still occur. First question: “Which individual/ collective factors contribute to that girls and boys in the age group between 7 and 13 drop out of  primary schools?” and the second question: “What differences are there in the drop out causes between two more “privileged” and one more “marginalized” school?”.  The answers to these questions were found through the field work in Babati Town Council, Tanzania. There primary data was gathered in form of semi-structured interviews with three headteachers from three different schools. Two privileged schools; Maisaka Primary School and Primary School Oyster bay, and one marginalized school; Kiongozi Primary School. Also interviews with nine parents/other guardians of dropouts were conducted. Gathered data was summarized in short case stories, narratives which later on were analyzed with in a theoretical framework. This theoretical framework consisted of six different theories. These theories are; Academic Mediation theory, General Deviance theory, Deviant Affiliation theory, Poor Family Socialization theory, Structural Strains theory and lastly a theory of Institutional Departure. The conclusion of the study is that, even though the schools are located in the same area a major difference in dropout rates and its causes are existing. At the marginalized school there is a high level of drop out and at more privileged schools no dropouts occur. Factors which play a major role for this existing difference are; childrens and parents commitment to school, family structure and background, family's socio-economic status, relationships in the family and of course quality of the school.

Debatten om den kontroversiella signalspaningslagen är högst aktuell och det diskuteras öppet och intensivt om huruvida den är ett skydd mot hot utifrån eller om den hotar medborgarna i det svenska samhället. När uppsatsen avslutas har lagen trätt i kraft den 1 januari 2009, men kommer inte att träda i full kraft förrän i oktober 2009. Terrorism är ett fenomen som har fått en ny betydelse för människor i det globala samhället. Det har alltid funnits i samtid som det demokratiskt politiska samhället, men betydelsen av detta fenomen, detta begrepp har varierat. Den har skiftat under åren från att vara en terrorism där grupper som IRA och ETA figurerade för att frigöra territorium från de stora länderna till att handla om att påverka politiska beslut genom att skrämma civila. Cyberterrorism är ett nyare fenomen inom begreppet och har en annan verkan då den riktar sig mot det nya informationstekniska samhället som har blivit allt mer sårbart ju längre utvecklingen går. Syftet med uppsatsen har varit att undersöka vilket sorts inflytande som cyberterrorism har haft i utformandet av lagen, om lagen är ett hot mot Sverige eller ett skydd för Sverige samt huruvida signalspaning rättfärdigas av ändamålet, det vill säga att ge Sverige ett fungerande säkerhetsskydd. Slutsatsen av denna uppsats är att cyberterrorism har ett visst samband med hur lagen har utformats, men det är inte en avgörande eller ensam faktor. Huruvida lagen är ett hot mot Sverige eller ett skydd för och om ändamålet helgar medlen har det kommit fram till att den till viss del kan vara ett hot, men att ändamålet att politikerna vill  kunna ge Sverige ett fungerande säkerhetsskydd väger upp till en viss del vad lagen vill stå för. Det är fortfarande en hel del motsättningar mot lagen och det kommer det alltid att vara. / This thesis has its origins in the controversial debate about the signals intelligence law that has been a highly intensive debate since the law was passed on June 18 2008. The debate mainly is about whether or not the law is a protection against threat towards the Swedish nation-state or if the law is at threat against the citizen of the Swedish society. The law will have been put in to force on January 1 2009, but won't be in full force until October 2009. Terrorism is not a phenomena that is new, but it has gotten a new meaning to people in the global society. Though it has always existed with the democratic political society, it's meaning has been a target for change. The meaning has shifted from being about groups like IRA and ETA that fight for their own territories to be about influencing political decisions through scarring civilians. One of the more newer phenomena within terrorism is cyber terrorism and it has another effect because it directs itself towards the information technology of the modern society. The IT society has become more vulnerable because of the development and that is what cyber terrorism is attacking the vulnerability. The purpose of this thesis is to examine what kind of influence that cyber terrorism has had in the design of the law, if the law is a threat against Sweden or a protection for Sweden, that is what arguments surrounds this case, and do the aim, that is protecting the society, justify the means, that is signals intelligence in giving Sweden a functional security. The conclusion in this thesis is that cyber terrorism has had an indirect connection to how the law has been designed, but the threat of cyber terrorism has not been a deal breaking or alone factor. Whether the law is a threat or not depends on who you talk to, but it might be a threat to a certain extent if the lawmakers don't hear the critics and change the law to the extent that it involves a fully protection for the privacy of the citizens. In the end it is partly true that the aim does justify the means. / Presentation av uppsats har redan ägt rum.

The aim of this work is to understand the recruitment of candidates to the local representative assembly in the municipality of Täby. The method used is qualitative interviewing, of a total of eight local politicians in Täby. The theory in which this work rest upon is based on a new-institutionalist perspective. Of great importance is the thoughts of the politicians involved in the recrution process, what do they think were the reasons that controlled the order of priority in the party list among the pool of candidates? Were there any obstacles for minorities in the politics like for example foreigners, women or young people? The study is taking it’s departure from the politicians who candidated in the election of 2002-2006 and the ones which are candidating to the election this coming autumn. In conclusion the aim is to understand the reasons that gives some of the candidates electable places to the assembly, and what the actors themselves think are the conclusive qualities that matters the most. Both the Social democrats and the right party (Moderaterna) in Täby thought that the main qualities a candidate needed was to be active in the party activities, and that being active would lead to a broad network and support from the members of the party. The Social democratic party had a formal ambition to have representative lists and used affirmative action to bolster female representation in their lists. Moderaterna didn’t use the same system but in reality they had an informal method of assuring a good representation of people in their lists. In general the persons involved in this study didn't perceived any discrimination against any individual because of external attributes, and the main issue was to increase the representation within their parties.

The Swedish immigration policy is a subject constantly under scrutiny, especially in the media. The Dublin treaty, which came into effect in 2003, has meant stricter regulations for the handling of asylum seekers, which in turn increases the requirements of the officials at the Swedish Migration Board. Consequently, the staff at the Swedish Migration Board is daily facing difficulties when deciding who is to stay or not. Therefore, it is interesting to investigate how these criteria in the Dublin Treaty, are used in the daily work of the officials. Emphasizing these problematic aspects of the Dublin Treaty, this study aims to answer the following two questions: - How has the Dublin Treaty been implemented in Swedish legislation by the officials at the Swedish Migration Board? - How do these officials work to implement this treaty? This case study is based on interviews with a number of officials working at the Swedish Migration Board. To complement the interviews, a brief summary of the Dublin Treaty, is also included, in order to explain its contents. To analyze the material, a number of important aspects of the Dublin Treaty have been chosen. These aspects also constitute the analytical method. Conclusively, the officials working at the Swedish Migration Board have succeeded in the intention of implementing the Dublin Treaty. The treaty is well incorporated in the Swedish legislation, which is crucial in order for the immigration policy to function properly.