Our aim with this paper is to study the debate concerning the refusal of entry of the two Egyptians and the involvement of USA, to see if the Swedish sovereignty has been compromised. We have chosen two theories, realism and radicalism, to read if opinions can be identified of supporting one of them. The empiricism we selected are from debate articles in the big news papers Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet and Expressen. We also studied the debate in the Riksdag . The method we used was qualitative and is called analysis of content. The result we could conclude was that most of the debaters are disappointed with how the government handled the whole situation, but still believes that it made the decision on itself. This opinion reflects the theory realism. Further more, we found that the debate in the Riksdag was more diverse in terms of reflecting both of the theories, than the news papers. We also conclude that the debaters preferably would talk about torture and the violation of human rights and not the reason to why the government made that decision.

The aim of this paper is to explain and compare non-compliance of two EU-directives, “the quality of bathing water” and “the working time directive”. This study answers the questions: Why didn’t Sweden implement the directive on bathing water quality and the working time directive correctly? Are the reasons for non-compliance the same or different in the two cases? The paper is designed as a case study and with an explanatory attempt we explain why the two directives weren’t implemented correctly in Sweden. The theoretical approach is based on both general- and EU-specific implementation theories. The reason why the directive on quality of bathing water wasn’t implemented correctly was firstly because of the differences between the Swedish political contents and the EU-directive’s, secondly the vague formulation that caused problems with understanding how to implement the directive. Third and lastly the implementation suffered from the lack of administrative resources. The working time directive had problems with the political contents and the resistance from the trade union and government, which caused delays with the implementation of the directive. By studying these two cases this paper concludes that there is only one point of similarity between the cases, i.e. the political contents.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the North Korean leader Kim Jong-Il’s personality and its influence on North Korea’s negotiating behavior regarding the nuclear issue. Through the theory of social identity shaping and personality disorder, this study has generated a hypothesis by the operationalization of the theoretical framework. By using these analytical methods the following conclusions have been drawn: Kim Jong-Il had experienced a sense of loss and damaged self-esteem in his childhood. He had tried to compensate for these feelings through the film industry (which served as an ideological tool) in order to regain his father’s affection, and he succeeded in becoming recognized for his political ability. However, he overcompensated for these feelings of low self-esteem by removing his potential political enemies. The experiences made him acquire an idiosyncratic character and personality disorder. This study has found that North Korea’s nuclear negotiations with the United States since 1993 have reflected Kim Jong-Il’s personality. The model of the study can be used as a basis for further academic studies in the practical exploration of the correlations between a country’s foreign policy and its leader’s personality.

The purpose with the essay is to point out how the main differences of the Helsinkicommission, Helcom and Baltic 21 can be explained from a general perspective and with a specific focus on two of their ongoing projects: Baltic 21 Lighthouse projects and The Baltic Sea Joint Comprehensive Environmental Action Plan. And to investigate how the organisations them selves formulates the purpose of the two projects. This will be an indication on why environmental problems are handled with in a traditional matter although the rhetoric of the environmental politics is permeated by the concept of Sustainable Development. This dilemma is being treated from the theoretical approaches of Ecological Modernisation and Sustainable Development and linked to how these organisations actually carried out their work and how the historical heritage have a role to play in this complex of problems. The results of the essay shows that concrete differences exists in the way that the two organisations are constructed and how their ongoing projects are designed and formulated. These differences can be derived to the theoretical platforms Ecological Modernisation and Sustainable Development and be explained by in witch political context the organisations were created. Helcom and The Baltic Sea Joint Comprehensive Environmental Action Plan are operating within the framework of Ecological Modernisation and Baltic 21 and the Lighthouse projects within Sustainable Development.

Humans’ hunting for ivory has had a serious impact of the African elephant population. Ivory has throughout history been a symbol of manhood and status. As the market of ivory expanded to the rest of the world, the market demand for ivory became higher than what the elephants could manage to provide. In the 1980’s, the African elephant population was threatened by extension and it was reduced with 50 percent in ten years. For this reason, CITES placed the African elephant population under a ban, which made it an illegal act to trade ivory and other elephant parts.

This paper examines the ideological content of the compulsory school policy of the Swedish Liberal Party. The aim of the study is to investigate whether the Liberal Party does really represent a liberal policy for the compulsory school, or if it is more accurately described as conservative. The analysis is carried through by two separate critical examinations of the Liberal Party motion on school politics to the parliament and the Conservative Party motion on school politics to the parliament respectively. A comparison is then made between the ideological contents of the two documents. The specific party policies are linked to universal definitions of liberalism and conservatism with the help of an analytical tool consistent of a series of educational philosophies. Difference is made between ideologically motivated purposes and concrete policy recommendations in the motion texts. The results of the ideological content analyses and the comparison show that the compulsory school policy of the Liberal Party can be categorized as conservative, not only vis-à-vis a universal definition of liberalism and conservatism, but also in comparison with the compulsory school policy of the Conservative Party.

The aim of this essayis to show how the issues of asylum and immigration have been formulated as security issues in EU policy by applying a discursive approach to policy analysis and securitization, analyzing selected policy texts produced by the European Commission and the Council for Justice and Home Affairs from 1999 to 2006. The positioning of these issues in the policy domain of 'Freedom, Security and Justice' has facilitated a linkage between these issues and issues like terrorism and organised crime and has enabled a formulation of asylum and immigration according to a logic of securitization. The analysis of policy texts aims at investigating how linkages between issues are represented, how these linkages shape issues, and how the policy, in formulating threats and responses, also represent the EU in very specific ways. Policy from this perspective is not the rational answer to an unambigous reality but rather, highly implicated in its production. An important part of this analysis is drawing out the implications of the policy, in terms of further policy development, as well as how the policy implicates particular ways of dealing with those represented as for instance 'illegal immigrants' or 'illegitimate asylum seekers'.

The aim was to analyse how the political parties, relate to questions of young individuals in Sweden, particularly to the question of youth unemployment. The theoretical basis encompassed two perspectives explaining party politics - “the party as outflow of society” and “the party as actor”, derived from the structure-agency school. Units of analysis were the parliamentary parties and their youth organisations, and the material comprised the parliament’s special debate of youth unemployment in 2006, and text from the youth organisations' web sites. The method was qualitative with an interpretative approach. Conclusions were that young individuals in society have a limited impact on the appearance of political parties. No party has a stable responsiveness to questions of young individuals; only three out of the seven youth organisations had the current youth unemployment on the agenda (parties as outflow of society). All parties had suggestions on how to combat unemployment, but not all had suggestions directed towards youth in particular. The proposals were adjusted to other party policies to facilitate a power position through alliances (parties as actors). The Centre party brought forward the current youth unemployment the most and “the special youth agreements” might attract new voters, including young individuals, but could also deter traditional voters.

The aim of the paper is to explore the dominating perception of the Other after the conflict regarding the Danish Mohammed caricatures. How Swedish newspapers have portrayed Arabs, which role they have been given in society and what problems they are struggling with is going to be the focus of this thesis. As methodological approach I chose discourse analysis, since it presents a view where language defines and structures our understanding of reality. Through the study of various Swedish newspaper articles, this essay tries to illustrate the implicit yet existent negative image of the Arabs as a group and potential alternative ways of understanding the Other. The perception of Arabs is a product of a necessary imaginary foe, a mirror image of the bad and strange in contrast to the idyllic and safe Swedish nationality. The rhetoric’s of the discourse are therefore constructed between a politics of acknowledgement and a will to culturally dominate the Other. To challenge this view the citizens of a nation must accept it as nothing more than an imaginary design.

The aim of this work is to define the party structure of Feministic Initiative (FI). We want to examine the structure of an organization that doesn’t start out with a hierarchical order. We further intend to examine the party’s leadership; whether or not it is equal, between the three spokespersons.We find it interesting as a topic from a democratic point of view as well as to see if a flat structure could work in practice. We use several theories among them Michel’s “iron law of oligarchy” and Holmberg’s and Söderlind’s theory on flat organizations. There is modest research on leadership in Swedish political science; we therefore consider it important to highlight. Shared leadership is interesting to examine, for it might be an alternative to the traditional order.We use a mixed-methodology based upon qualitative interviews and text analysis. We have interviewed the three spokespersons and examined materials like official weekly letters written by the spokespersons and the party’s constitution.The result shows that a flat structure is hard to carry out in practise and it appears that some form of hierarchical order appears in the party structure. Despite efforts towards equality the shared leadership is not totally equal.