The aim of this paper is to examine how mid-level executive officers within Swedish Police respond to subordinates autonomous behaviour, mainly according to Lipsky´s theory on street-level bureaucracy. Questions focused on are: 1. Which personnel related obstacles, are preventing the executive officers? 2. How do executive officers counter obstacles? 3. If possible, based on the result of the study, which are the conclusions about existing countermeasures? The papers´ aim is not to suggest which obstacles should be removed, nor if countermeasures are good/bad. Main aim is to identify how obstacles are countered. Theory and method are built on framework of Case Study. The method is built on theoretic examination of obstacles to examine concepts´ size and then interviews to confirm the obstacles and identify countermeasures. Conclusion of the first question is that obstacles are omnipresent in the governmental and societal systems. Conclusion of the second question is that obstacles are countered by friendly approach and to ally oneself to staff and personnel. Conclusion of the last question is that a mid-level executive through his allying enhances some behaviour, as long as more-wanted behaviours are produced with quality. This has effect upon society when combating crime, but is probably not likely to measure effectively.

This paper examines corporate responses to the voluntary UN initiative; the Global Compact and the legally binding UN Norms initiative that are attempts, at the urging of the international community, at different types of regulation of corporate activity in international socio-economic settings. This examination is done within the framework of the Modern World-Systems theory and both questions of the paper are therefore grounded in the MWS theory`s possibility to predict and explain the corporations` response to the two initiatives. The two hypotheses used in this paper are corresponding to the questions and they state that the MWS theory can answer the two questions. The paper therefore employs an overreaching congruence method that uses the MWS theory to predict and explain the outcome of the case study and a complementary descriptive argumentation analysis. This is conducted in order to attain the data needed and to elucidate what the differences and similarities are between the two initiatives and what aspect can be attributed most explanatory value to understand the possible differences in attitude by the corporations. The outcome of the case study shows that corporations are more in favor of the Global Compact then they are concerning the UN norms which they opposes vehemently. This difference in reaction is attributed to the latter’s legally binding principle and this is in accord with the logic of the MWS theory which is granted high predictable and explanatory value concerning the corporations` response to the Global Compact and the UN norms.

This paper takes it points of departure in a gender equality perspective and the perceived paradox between the governmental labour market policy and family policy. The first policy area has the aim to put people to work, whereas the other introduces a reform, vårdnadsbidraget, that point in the opposite direction. Which are the problem representations within the two policy areas and are the problem representations concordant or contradictive? From a constructivist perspective, langue is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. Drawing on political documents, speeches and articles formulated within the government, this paper analyzes problem representations through the use of discourse analysis and feminist political theory. The main conclusion of this paper is that there are contradictions within the problem representations, both within and between the two policy areas. The most significant contradiction is that gender equality within labour market policy is formulated around the individual, whilst in family politics it is based on the family as a unit.

Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka strömningarna i diskursen kring hur den svenska staten bör organisera sitt anti-diskrimineringsarbete. Teoretiska utgångspunkter och använda teorier är makt, diskriminering, grupp, diskursteori, intersektionalitet och författarnas eget begrepp för att benämna motståndarna till intersektionalitet; särsektionalitet. Metoden bygger på den anglosaxiska diskursteorin genom en identifikation av tre teman byggda på teorierna. Uppsatsen tar avstamp i SOU 2006:22 En sammanhållen diskrimineringslagstiftning Slutbetänkande av Diskrimineringskommittén och låter sju huvudaktörer komma till tals. Genom dessa aktörer identifieras två huvuddiskurser; en delvis intersektionell diskurs som är för en sammanslagning och en särsektionell diskurs som är mot en sammanslagning. Uppsatsen slutsats är att förståelsen för intersektionalitet bland berörda aktörer är väldigt låg och att en sammanslagning av ombudsmännen i dagsläget därmed inte skulle uppfylla det intersektionella syftet flera aktörer verkar förespråka.

The purpose of this study is to examine to what extent there is a discrepancy between the formal guiding documents and the employees experiences of the activity at Kronobergshäktet. Furthermore, is it possible that any discrepancy could be explained by institutional imbalance? My main theories are normative institutionalism and a modified type of institutional analysis. The model consists of three parts –values (a common value-system), rules and practice (the unpredictable reality) and it assumes a reciprocal relationship between them. In order to examine this I have used qualitative methods in form of interviews combined with an analysis of content. The normative institutionalism presupposes that the actors follow a logic of appropriateness in the interest of both the institution and the actor. According to the respondents, their performance is restrained by the influence from practice. I found that the respondents in their work can’t apply the common value-system in favour of the unpredictable practice. This means that the people detained do not receive the care they are entitled to in times of overcrowdment. Remarkable as it is, the respondents are well aware of what causes the problem; the overloaded custody and the influence from the unpredictable practice. The conclusion is that in times of overcrowded departments the custody is governed neither by rules or values but by practice.

Sweden introduced a development assistance policy in 1952 and thirteen years later Sida, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency started, in 1965. But in 1995, five separate development assistance authorities came together and established the new Sida as it is today. Sida is Sweden’s representative in the development assistance policy field and they work through projects that have to be presented through a Country Strategy Process (CSP). The aim of this paper is to point out Sida’s perspective on the conducted development assistance policy and what guide lines that are followed. The main purpose of the development assistance policy is to create better conditions for the distressed countries. Russia is a country that receives big sums of money from Sida, but the support given is about to be phased out and in 2010 it will be completely terminated. The cooperation with Russia will go through a transition to normal cross-border cooperation as a neighboring country. We have chosen to characterize Sida’s work with Russia and other countries through two perspectives on poverty; an orthodox perspective, which is a more ideologically conservative approach, and an alternative perspective, which is a more liberal approach.

The aim and purpose of this paper is to identify and investigate the effects of affirmative action as a tool to improve the equality of the sexes in a male dominated organisation such as the Swedish armed forces. The study takes a qualitative approach, using feminist theory as a point of departure. Primarily socially based differences between men and women are identified and the resistance towards change is taken into account. To understand the impact of affirmative action I have observed the political debate on the subject and contrasted it to the ongoing debate from within the armed forces. Extensive interviews have been held with both men and women from varying ranks and ages to understand what the overall opinion of the method is. My results show that there is a widespread animosity towards affirmative action as a method of improving equality. Both in the political debate and within the organisation in question. It is perceived as a method that rather compromises the balance and the equality that already exists in the Swedish armed forces, since women can be accepted on lower merits than men. The theoretical framework helps us to understand both the reaction towards the first women that were allowed into the organisation and the response to the latest efforts taken in improving the equality between the sexes.

The purpose with this essay is to examine if the Swedish government’s intentions regarding to the mental health care reform, have been fulfilled. We have classified the intentions into three categories, regulation, financing and responsibility for organizing the policy. The intentions have then been compared with the results of the reform. Our theoretical framework starts with a model, developed by Evert Vedung (1998). We use this model as a tool to examine the fulfillment of the mental health care reform. A very important part in the Swedish mental health care reform, are the skeleton laws. The study therefore also gives a presentation of advantages and disadvantages with skeleton laws. The result of the study shows that the intentions of the Swedish government have not been fulfilled in the process of implementation. Partly it is because the skeleton laws are vaguely formulated. This can be one explanation for failure. The conclusion of this essay stipulates that the regulation and the responsibility for organizing the policy need to be further specified and explained. Nevertheless the Swedish government’s intention of financing has been succeeded. Keywords: LSS, skeleton laws, mental health care reform, responsibility for organizing the policy

This is a case study on the functioning of political parties and the aim was to explain “how” and “why” the Swedish social democratic party changed their policies in the Middle East politics. I wanted to explain this process of change by using Angelo Panebianco’s framework for the analysis of political parties. Angelo Panebianco´s hypothesis is that all parties must be viewed as organizations to understand their functions. With time they become more institutionalized and depending on their historic development they will end up as more or less institutionalized. If this change showed that the social democratic party acted as a bureaucratic and institutionalized organization, Panebianco’s organizational theory would explain the change of their Middle East politics. In my case study I have used a qualitative analysis of the content to interpret my material of measuring parties’ institutionalization level as “high” or “low” within the two different areas; organizational dilemmas and the dominant coalition. My conclusion is that the social democratic party has indications both of a “high” institutionalized organization and as a “low” institutionalized organization, still they have a relatively dominant coalition. My study demonstrates that Angelo Panebianco´s organizational theory can not fully explain “how” and “why” the Social democratic party changed their Middle East politics.

The aim of this paper is to study and outline the factors governing political leadership at the party leader level, and to conclude to what extent a party leader rules and to what extent the party leadership is contextually determined. The theories used are based on Elgie's interactionistic study of political leadership and Stewart's organisational model of leadership as well as political culture. Thus, the questions raised are if the leader leads or if the leader follows; if the leadership environment is formed by the leader or if it is, merely, implemented on the leader; and what a model of the political leadership consist of? To answer these questions a text analysis comparing Sahlin’s speeches to the party’s political programme is used as well as in-depth interviews with members of the Board of Party. The conclusion shows that the leadership is contextually framed, but the leader is free to implement his or her ambitions within that frame as long as it is coherent to the party line.