<p>Det övergripande syftet var att ta reda på genren genus demonstrativums betydelse i politisk kriskommunikation och frågeställningarna var:  </p><p>• <em>Hur använder Göran Persson genren genus demonstrativum för att bearbeta den <em>politiska kris som ett ministermord innebär?</em> </em></p><p>• <em>Vad vill Göran Persson uppnå med sina tal och med vilka retoriska medel försöker han skapa mening kring mordet? </em></p><p>• <em>Vilka attityder försöker Göran Persson få åhörarna att inta och hur gör han det? </em><em> </em></p><p>Materialet bestod av fyra tal och den övergripande metoden var strukturell och stödmetoderna stil-, ideologkritisk-, och retorisk analys. Jag lutade mig bland annat mot teorier av Elmelund Kjeldsen och Johannesson. Studien visar att genren genus demonstrativum stärkte och enade medborgarna i ett krisdrabbat samhälle. Istället för att fokusera på dådet hyllade Göran Persson Anna Lindh och använde henne som symbol för det demokratiska samhället. Detta medförde att problematiken kring ministermordet minimerades eftersom talen skapade en framtidstro och ett lugn. Göran Perssons övergripande syfte var att få svenska befolkningen att delta i folkomröstningen och hans genreval bidrog till ett högt valdeltagande. Några retoriska medel han använde sig av var enande symboler och stilfigurer. En attityd han skapade var hopp.  </p> / <p>The objective with this essay is to investigate the sense of importance the epidictic genre genus demonstrativums has in political crisis communication and the objectives were: </p><p>• <em>How has the genre genus demonstrativum been used as a tool in communication by the Head of the Swedish Government, Göran Persson, when a minister was murdered? </em></p><p>• <em>What is Göran Persson´s agenda and in which rhetorical strategies is he trying to <em>create a sense of meaning through this political crisis? </em> </em></p><p>• <em>What attitudes is Göran Persson attempting to get the audience to adapt and how does <em>he do that? </em> </em></p><p>The base for this essay is four different speeches and the overall method was structural analysis followed by a stylistic-, ideology- and rhetorical analysis. I have built my essay on theories by Elmelund Kjeldsen and Johannesson. This essay shows that the genre genus demonstrativum unites the citizens in a community of crisis. Rather than focusing on the negative aspect of the actual murder, Göran Persson chooses to celebrate the memory of the Minister Anna Lindh as a symbol of democracy. By doing this, Göran Persson managed to create a common feeling of hopefulness. As a result, the political implications declined tremendously. His overall purpose was to increase the number of votes in the upcoming public election. An agenda that his choice of genre helped him achieve. A few of his rhetorical strategies were uniting symbols and the use of stylistic figures. A common attitude he managed to create among the Swedish citizens was hope.</p>

Det övergripande syftet var att ta reda på genren genus demonstrativums betydelse i politisk kriskommunikation och frågeställningarna var:   • Hur använder Göran Persson genren genus demonstrativum för att bearbeta den politiska kris som ett ministermord innebär?  • Vad vill Göran Persson uppnå med sina tal och med vilka retoriska medel försöker han skapa mening kring mordet?  • Vilka attityder försöker Göran Persson få åhörarna att inta och hur gör han det?   Materialet bestod av fyra tal och den övergripande metoden var strukturell och stödmetoderna stil-, ideologkritisk-, och retorisk analys. Jag lutade mig bland annat mot teorier av Elmelund Kjeldsen och Johannesson. Studien visar att genren genus demonstrativum stärkte och enade medborgarna i ett krisdrabbat samhälle. Istället för att fokusera på dådet hyllade Göran Persson Anna Lindh och använde henne som symbol för det demokratiska samhället. Detta medförde att problematiken kring ministermordet minimerades eftersom talen skapade en framtidstro och ett lugn. Göran Perssons övergripande syfte var att få svenska befolkningen att delta i folkomröstningen och hans genreval bidrog till ett högt valdeltagande. Några retoriska medel han använde sig av var enande symboler och stilfigurer. En attityd han skapade var hopp. / The objective with this essay is to investigate the sense of importance the epidictic genre genus demonstrativums has in political crisis communication and the objectives were:  • How has the genre genus demonstrativum been used as a tool in communication by the Head of the Swedish Government, Göran Persson, when a minister was murdered?  • What is Göran Persson´s agenda and in which rhetorical strategies is he trying to create a sense of meaning through this political crisis?   • What attitudes is Göran Persson attempting to get the audience to adapt and how does he do that?   The base for this essay is four different speeches and the overall method was structural analysis followed by a stylistic-, ideology- and rhetorical analysis. I have built my essay on theories by Elmelund Kjeldsen and Johannesson. This essay shows that the genre genus demonstrativum unites the citizens in a community of crisis. Rather than focusing on the negative aspect of the actual murder, Göran Persson chooses to celebrate the memory of the Minister Anna Lindh as a symbol of democracy. By doing this, Göran Persson managed to create a common feeling of hopefulness. As a result, the political implications declined tremendously. His overall purpose was to increase the number of votes in the upcoming public election. An agenda that his choice of genre helped him achieve. A few of his rhetorical strategies were uniting symbols and the use of stylistic figures. A common attitude he managed to create among the Swedish citizens was hope.

<p>This is a case study on the functioning of political parties and the aim was to explain “how” and “why” the Swedish social democratic party changed their policies in the Middle East politics. I wanted to explain this process of change by using Angelo Panebianco’s framework for the analysis of political parties. Angelo Panebianco´s hypothesis is that all parties must be viewed as organizations to understand their functions. With time they become more institutionalized and depending on their historic development they will end up as more or less institutionalized. If this change showed that the social democratic party acted as a bureaucratic and institutionalized organization, Panebianco’s organizational theory would explain the change of their Middle East politics. In my case study I have used a qualitative analysis of the content to interpret my material of measuring parties’ institutionalization level as “high” or “low” within the two different areas; organizational dilemmas and the dominant coalition. My conclusion is that the social democratic party has indications both of a “high” institutionalized organization and as a “low” institutionalized organization, still they have a relatively dominant coalition. My study demonstrates that Angelo Panebianco´s organizational theory can not fully explain “how” and “why” the Social democratic party changed their Middle East politics.</p>

Syftet med denna undersökning är att analysera och jämföra tre tal av Göran Persson som statsminister som hållits vid olika tillfällen och som har olika kontext och retoriska situationer. Med hjälp av en retorisk analys undersöks genre, ethos, logos och pathos samt stilfigurerna anafor, hopning och antites för att se hur dessa retoriska medel samverkar i de olika talen, samt för att se om detta skiljer sig mellan talen, och i detta fall hur. Resultatet visar att de retoriska medlen till största del förekommer i alla tal, men att det finns skillnader i hur de samverkar och påverkar varandra i de olika talen. Slutsatsen som dras är att Persson använder samma retoriska medel under de olika talen, men att den retoriska genren som talen tillhör, samt det retoriska problemet talaren möter under talet, påverkar hur dessa medel samverkar och påverkar varandra.

The purpose of this study is to find explanations for why Göran Persson and Stefan Löfvén and their respective governments chose different political expressions towards the state of Israel. The two theories I have chosen are about whether the political leadership of these two different prime ministers has been significant for the political relationship with the state of Israel, and whether there has been an existing personal interest in the foreign policy context precisely with regard to Israel. I want to know if the different attitudes of these two prime ministers to Israel may be due to the two different types of leadership styles that Persson and Löfvén had. Göran Persson has also seemed to expressed a deeper interest in the Jewish state, which results me wanting to investigate whether this may be a factor in Göran Persson being more anxious to change the Social Democrats' foreign policy towards Israel, compared toStefan Löfvén. What I find remarkable is that these two prime ministers who belong to the same ideological party with the Social Democratic political principles as their basis still ended up on two such different levels when it comes to relations with Israel. I will do study with a qualitative method, and with a research design called a comparative case study. To my help I will use the “Most Similar Design System” which is a research design that compares two similar cases, in this context two Social Democratic prime ministers, but which stands out remarkably on one point; the foreign policy and the relationship with the state of Israel.

Den första januari 1997 blev Regeringskansliets alla 15 myndigheter en enda och statsministern, för tillfället Göran Persson, blev dess chef. Denna reform, ofta kallad Ett RK-reformen, var frukten av en lång debatt gestaltad i offentliga utredningar, kansliinterna rapporter, konsultuppdrag med mera. Alla syftade till att på något sätt råda bot på de problem man såg i Regeringskansliets interna arbete, inte minst den ökande sektoriseringen av departementen. Genom att förena departementen till en myndighet och öka personalrörligheten hoppades man kunna skapa en mer samarbetsvänlig och flexibel arbetskultur. Vad den tillsynes genomgripande reformen egentligen lyckades åstadkomma är inte självklart. Den efterföljande debatten får klassas som knapp och misslyckades prestera något entydigt svar på frågan om reformens konsekvenser. Denna undersökning syftar till att bidra med kunskap om reformens effekter och på så vis komma närmare ett svar på frågan om dessa endast var symboliska, eller om reformen lyckades i sin ambition att skapa en mer samarbets- och förhandlingsvänlig kultur i Regeringskansliet. Detta är inte endast endast intressant per se, utan bidrar även till den mer inomvetenskapliga debatten om presidentialiseringen av västeuropeiska parlamentariska styrelseskick i allmänhet, och det svenska styrelseskicket i synnerhet. Ett RK-reformen tycks intuitivt utgöra ett exempel på hur vårt parlamentariska styrelseskick mycket riktigt presidentialiseras; istället för att varje departement utgör sin egen myndighet med sin egen chef, blir plötsligt statsministern chef över alla departement. Detta var emellertid inte reformens syfte; sammanslagningen syftade snarare till att öka de enskilda departementens samarbete och flexibilitet. Genom att bidra till förståelsen för Ett RK-reformens effekter kommer denna undersökning förhoppningsvis även kunna bidra till förståelsen för parlamentarismen i Sverige, och dess variationer.

This is a case study on the functioning of political parties and the aim was to explain “how” and “why” the Swedish social democratic party changed their policies in the Middle East politics. I wanted to explain this process of change by using Angelo Panebianco’s framework for the analysis of political parties. Angelo Panebianco´s hypothesis is that all parties must be viewed as organizations to understand their functions. With time they become more institutionalized and depending on their historic development they will end up as more or less institutionalized. If this change showed that the social democratic party acted as a bureaucratic and institutionalized organization, Panebianco’s organizational theory would explain the change of their Middle East politics. In my case study I have used a qualitative analysis of the content to interpret my material of measuring parties’ institutionalization level as “high” or “low” within the two different areas; organizational dilemmas and the dominant coalition. My conclusion is that the social democratic party has indications both of a “high” institutionalized organization and as a “low” institutionalized organization, still they have a relatively dominant coalition. My study demonstrates that Angelo Panebianco´s organizational theory can not fully explain “how” and “why” the Social democratic party changed their Middle East politics.

The aim of this essay was to examine what problems, causes and solutions three Swedish governments identified concerning three decisions of cooperation with NATO, and to understand these decisions with constructivism and hard and soft power as theoretical perspectives. The first was the decision to join Partnership for Peace in 1994. The second decision was to join the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council in 1997. The third decision was to join a host nation support with NATO in 2016. The analysis showed that problems regarding PfP was an unpredictable security situation, caused by the fall of the Soviet Union. This gave rise to new conflicts, e.g. the conflict in Yugoslavia. Russia was identified as a problem also regarding the EAPC, caused by a Russian superpower identity. Problems identified before joining the HNS was that Russia was aggressive and annexed the Ukrainian peninsula Crimea in 2014. This was caused by the Russian leadership prioritizing the defence sector. The identified problems and causes can be understood with the theory of hard power, since the Russian hard power resources are wielded both within and outside of Russia. Constructivism is useful to understand what solutions the governments proposed, since they often express an ambition to build a common identity, while keeping the Swedish identity as non-aligned. Also, soft power resources made the alliance more attractive for the Swedish governments.

Learning from traumatic events: a comparative case study of governmental close protection policies in the aftermath of the murder of Olof Palme and Anna LindhViolent and threatful crimes against politicians are as despicable as any other crime acts against citizen. However, if politicians are targeted solely due to their position – the act can seriously damage the state and central government. This paper compares reports of government commissions and investigations which were initiated after the murder of Swedish prime minister Olof Palme in 1986 and secretary of state Anna Lindh in 2003. The purpose is to analyse and compare the conclusions and distinguish the main arguments that led to those conclusions and decipher similarities and differences through the lens of Tom Christensen’s instrumental perspective as well as Peter May’s social policy learning theory. The methodological approach of a qualitative method for this study fosters a deeper understanding of the ideological stances. Furthermore, the qualitative approach of conducting interviews with officials in various government positions has allowed for a more nuanced and thoughtful analysis. Together with the commissions and report, the interviews provide a holistic perspective of the two timeframes. The research question has been posed as follows: When comparing government commissions regarding the close protection of the central government, which essential similarities and differences can be distinguished? The result suggests that, an ideological change regarding main threats against the central government has taken place. The main policy discussions in the aftermath of the murder of prime minister Olof Palme was terrorism and if it could have been prevented at the time being. One major policy change was the build-up of the Swedish counter-terrorist unit. The main policy discussions in the aftermath of the murder of Anna Lindh was the issue of citizens with severe mental illnesses and how to detect those that pose serious threats to the central government at an earlier stage. Furthermore, given the conclusions of the commissions and reports, it is possible to determine that ”social policy learning” has occurred as according to Peter May’s theory. However, the study also notes an crucial exception; government officials in need of close protection can henceforth conform the structure of it and determine whether they want it or not.