<p>Det övergripande syftet var att ta reda på genren genus demonstrativums betydelse i politisk kriskommunikation och frågeställningarna var:  </p><p>• <em>Hur använder Göran Persson genren genus demonstrativum för att bearbeta den <em>politiska kris som ett ministermord innebär?</em> </em></p><p>• <em>Vad vill Göran Persson uppnå med sina tal och med vilka retoriska medel försöker han skapa mening kring mordet? </em></p><p>• <em>Vilka attityder försöker Göran Persson få åhörarna att inta och hur gör han det? </em><em> </em></p><p>Materialet bestod av fyra tal och den övergripande metoden var strukturell och stödmetoderna stil-, ideologkritisk-, och retorisk analys. Jag lutade mig bland annat mot teorier av Elmelund Kjeldsen och Johannesson. Studien visar att genren genus demonstrativum stärkte och enade medborgarna i ett krisdrabbat samhälle. Istället för att fokusera på dådet hyllade Göran Persson Anna Lindh och använde henne som symbol för det demokratiska samhället. Detta medförde att problematiken kring ministermordet minimerades eftersom talen skapade en framtidstro och ett lugn. Göran Perssons övergripande syfte var att få svenska befolkningen att delta i folkomröstningen och hans genreval bidrog till ett högt valdeltagande. Några retoriska medel han använde sig av var enande symboler och stilfigurer. En attityd han skapade var hopp.  </p> / <p>The objective with this essay is to investigate the sense of importance the epidictic genre genus demonstrativums has in political crisis communication and the objectives were: </p><p>• <em>How has the genre genus demonstrativum been used as a tool in communication by the Head of the Swedish Government, Göran Persson, when a minister was murdered? </em></p><p>• <em>What is Göran Persson´s agenda and in which rhetorical strategies is he trying to <em>create a sense of meaning through this political crisis? </em> </em></p><p>• <em>What attitudes is Göran Persson attempting to get the audience to adapt and how does <em>he do that? </em> </em></p><p>The base for this essay is four different speeches and the overall method was structural analysis followed by a stylistic-, ideology- and rhetorical analysis. I have built my essay on theories by Elmelund Kjeldsen and Johannesson. This essay shows that the genre genus demonstrativum unites the citizens in a community of crisis. Rather than focusing on the negative aspect of the actual murder, Göran Persson chooses to celebrate the memory of the Minister Anna Lindh as a symbol of democracy. By doing this, Göran Persson managed to create a common feeling of hopefulness. As a result, the political implications declined tremendously. His overall purpose was to increase the number of votes in the upcoming public election. An agenda that his choice of genre helped him achieve. A few of his rhetorical strategies were uniting symbols and the use of stylistic figures. A common attitude he managed to create among the Swedish citizens was hope.</p>

Det övergripande syftet var att ta reda på genren genus demonstrativums betydelse i politisk kriskommunikation och frågeställningarna var:   • Hur använder Göran Persson genren genus demonstrativum för att bearbeta den politiska kris som ett ministermord innebär?  • Vad vill Göran Persson uppnå med sina tal och med vilka retoriska medel försöker han skapa mening kring mordet?  • Vilka attityder försöker Göran Persson få åhörarna att inta och hur gör han det?   Materialet bestod av fyra tal och den övergripande metoden var strukturell och stödmetoderna stil-, ideologkritisk-, och retorisk analys. Jag lutade mig bland annat mot teorier av Elmelund Kjeldsen och Johannesson. Studien visar att genren genus demonstrativum stärkte och enade medborgarna i ett krisdrabbat samhälle. Istället för att fokusera på dådet hyllade Göran Persson Anna Lindh och använde henne som symbol för det demokratiska samhället. Detta medförde att problematiken kring ministermordet minimerades eftersom talen skapade en framtidstro och ett lugn. Göran Perssons övergripande syfte var att få svenska befolkningen att delta i folkomröstningen och hans genreval bidrog till ett högt valdeltagande. Några retoriska medel han använde sig av var enande symboler och stilfigurer. En attityd han skapade var hopp. / The objective with this essay is to investigate the sense of importance the epidictic genre genus demonstrativums has in political crisis communication and the objectives were:  • How has the genre genus demonstrativum been used as a tool in communication by the Head of the Swedish Government, Göran Persson, when a minister was murdered?  • What is Göran Persson´s agenda and in which rhetorical strategies is he trying to create a sense of meaning through this political crisis?   • What attitudes is Göran Persson attempting to get the audience to adapt and how does he do that?   The base for this essay is four different speeches and the overall method was structural analysis followed by a stylistic-, ideology- and rhetorical analysis. I have built my essay on theories by Elmelund Kjeldsen and Johannesson. This essay shows that the genre genus demonstrativum unites the citizens in a community of crisis. Rather than focusing on the negative aspect of the actual murder, Göran Persson chooses to celebrate the memory of the Minister Anna Lindh as a symbol of democracy. By doing this, Göran Persson managed to create a common feeling of hopefulness. As a result, the political implications declined tremendously. His overall purpose was to increase the number of votes in the upcoming public election. An agenda that his choice of genre helped him achieve. A few of his rhetorical strategies were uniting symbols and the use of stylistic figures. A common attitude he managed to create among the Swedish citizens was hope.

<p>On September 10th 2003 the Swedish foreign minister Anna Lindh was brutally murdered in a shopping mall in central Stockholm. An intense police pursuit was initiated immediately and shortly after, a man who later proved to be innocent was portrayed as the murderer in the Swedish media. The main purpose of this essay was to examine how the suspect and the police were described in the evening newspaper Aftonbladet and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter. Do the descriptions differ in any way? A total of fifteen texts were examined, eight articles from Aftonbladet and seven from Dagens Nyheter. The method we used were critical discourse analysis, with focus on theories like media logic and representation. The result showed that both DN and Aftonbladet used dramaturgical methods as intensification and polarization in their reporting. Both papers also engaged in an extensive description of the 35-year-old's personal history and payed little or no mean to press ethics, in terms of personal integrity. A fact that could indicate the growing convergence between evening and morning press.</p>

<p>The Swedish foreign minister Anna Lindh was murdered on September 10 2003. The police pursuit for the man that murdered her was initiated immediately. Two weeks later, the police arrested the 24-year-old man that six month later would be sentenced to imprisonment for life for the murder of Anna Lindh. The main purpose of this essay is to examine how the man that murdered Anna Lindh was described in Aftonbladet and Expressen from the time of his arrest to the sentence of guilty. One part of the purpose of this essay is also to inquire how the Swedish evening press paid regard to the ethical publicity rules in their descriptions. Five articles from every newspaper based on five important dates during this period were chosen. These ten articles were then analyzed by a qualitative dialogical text analysis with the purpose to study how the texts are intertextual related to each other.</p><p>The analysis showed that the journalists had difficulties in paying consideration to the ethical publicity rules in their descriptions of the murderer of Anna Lindh. Aftonbladet’s and Expressen’s portrayals of the 24-year-old man didn’t change much over time. He was described as a mental instable and violent man in every article. It didn’t occur any obvious distinctions between Aftonbladet’s and Expressen’s descriptions which indicate that the newspapers within the genre evening press constitute a fairly homogeneous news institution. The texts related to each other by confirming and strengthening previous statements. The journalists were able to, by recontextualising a prior assertion, use the earlier articles as a basis and broaden the context within the discourse.</p>

The Swedish foreign minister Anna Lindh was murdered on September 10 2003. The police pursuit for the man that murdered her was initiated immediately. Two weeks later, the police arrested the 24-year-old man that six month later would be sentenced to imprisonment for life for the murder of Anna Lindh. The main purpose of this essay is to examine how the man that murdered Anna Lindh was described in Aftonbladet and Expressen from the time of his arrest to the sentence of guilty. One part of the purpose of this essay is also to inquire how the Swedish evening press paid regard to the ethical publicity rules in their descriptions. Five articles from every newspaper based on five important dates during this period were chosen. These ten articles were then analyzed by a qualitative dialogical text analysis with the purpose to study how the texts are intertextual related to each other. The analysis showed that the journalists had difficulties in paying consideration to the ethical publicity rules in their descriptions of the murderer of Anna Lindh. Aftonbladet’s and Expressen’s portrayals of the 24-year-old man didn’t change much over time. He was described as a mental instable and violent man in every article. It didn’t occur any obvious distinctions between Aftonbladet’s and Expressen’s descriptions which indicate that the newspapers within the genre evening press constitute a fairly homogeneous news institution. The texts related to each other by confirming and strengthening previous statements. The journalists were able to, by recontextualising a prior assertion, use the earlier articles as a basis and broaden the context within the discourse.

On September 10th 2003 the Swedish foreign minister Anna Lindh was brutally murdered in a shopping mall in central Stockholm. An intense police pursuit was initiated immediately and shortly after, a man who later proved to be innocent was portrayed as the murderer in the Swedish media. The main purpose of this essay was to examine how the suspect and the police were described in the evening newspaper Aftonbladet and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter. Do the descriptions differ in any way? A total of fifteen texts were examined, eight articles from Aftonbladet and seven from Dagens Nyheter. The method we used were critical discourse analysis, with focus on theories like media logic and representation. The result showed that both DN and Aftonbladet used dramaturgical methods as intensification and polarization in their reporting. Both papers also engaged in an extensive description of the 35-year-old's personal history and payed little or no mean to press ethics, in terms of personal integrity. A fact that could indicate the growing convergence between evening and morning press.

<p>I uppsatsen kommer det fram att människor är mer medvetna om risker och hot än vad de var för 20 år sedan. Detta framkommer genom att artiklarna som analyserats angående mordet på Olof Palme var mer inriktade på hur chockerande det var för Svenska folket och hur oväntat ett dåd av detta slag var. I artiklarna angående Anna Lindh var människor även där chockade över dådet men det chockerande var i stället att det kunde hända en gång till i Sverige. I de artiklarna har koncentrationen mer legat på gärningsmannen och polisens arbete.</p><p>I och med detta kunde vi se att befolkningen i Sverige lever med en större medvetenhet om de risker och hot som finns omkring dem i samhället. Detta stämmer väl med de teorier som uppsatsen tar upp om att det finns risker och hot som en del av vardagen på ett annat sätt än för 20 år sedan.</p>

I uppsatsen kommer det fram att människor är mer medvetna om risker och hot än vad de var för 20 år sedan. Detta framkommer genom att artiklarna som analyserats angående mordet på Olof Palme var mer inriktade på hur chockerande det var för Svenska folket och hur oväntat ett dåd av detta slag var. I artiklarna angående Anna Lindh var människor även där chockade över dådet men det chockerande var i stället att det kunde hända en gång till i Sverige. I de artiklarna har koncentrationen mer legat på gärningsmannen och polisens arbete. I och med detta kunde vi se att befolkningen i Sverige lever med en större medvetenhet om de risker och hot som finns omkring dem i samhället. Detta stämmer väl med de teorier som uppsatsen tar upp om att det finns risker och hot som en del av vardagen på ett annat sätt än för 20 år sedan.

Learning from traumatic events: a comparative case study of governmental close protection policies in the aftermath of the murder of Olof Palme and Anna LindhViolent and threatful crimes against politicians are as despicable as any other crime acts against citizen. However, if politicians are targeted solely due to their position – the act can seriously damage the state and central government. This paper compares reports of government commissions and investigations which were initiated after the murder of Swedish prime minister Olof Palme in 1986 and secretary of state Anna Lindh in 2003. The purpose is to analyse and compare the conclusions and distinguish the main arguments that led to those conclusions and decipher similarities and differences through the lens of Tom Christensen’s instrumental perspective as well as Peter May’s social policy learning theory. The methodological approach of a qualitative method for this study fosters a deeper understanding of the ideological stances. Furthermore, the qualitative approach of conducting interviews with officials in various government positions has allowed for a more nuanced and thoughtful analysis. Together with the commissions and report, the interviews provide a holistic perspective of the two timeframes. The research question has been posed as follows: When comparing government commissions regarding the close protection of the central government, which essential similarities and differences can be distinguished? The result suggests that, an ideological change regarding main threats against the central government has taken place. The main policy discussions in the aftermath of the murder of prime minister Olof Palme was terrorism and if it could have been prevented at the time being. One major policy change was the build-up of the Swedish counter-terrorist unit. The main policy discussions in the aftermath of the murder of Anna Lindh was the issue of citizens with severe mental illnesses and how to detect those that pose serious threats to the central government at an earlier stage. Furthermore, given the conclusions of the commissions and reports, it is possible to determine that ”social policy learning” has occurred as according to Peter May’s theory. However, the study also notes an crucial exception; government officials in need of close protection can henceforth conform the structure of it and determine whether they want it or not.