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There is a wide spread discrimination between the genders at the Swedish labour market. Women get lower wages, their skills are undervalued compared to men, it is harder for women to advance, they are more likely to involuntary do part time jobs and they usually end up in the least qualified and stimulating jobs. The governmental policy seems affectless and companies are unable or unwilling to change. Historical, sociological and rational choice institutionalism can offer an explanation to the problem. The segregation has historical roots that go back to the early days of industrialisation when women entered the labour market with working conditions that were worse than men‟s. Because of the conservatory character of institutions, the perceptions of the genders have been reproduced until today. The conclusion is that what the government does is less important than the fact that it does anything since the institutions are working to conserve the current order.

Abstract This essay discusses the negotiation of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the process that led up to a signed agreement. The CTBT forbids all nuclear weapon test explosions and all other types of nuclear explosions. The purpose of the study was to distinguish the critical steps of the negotiations that resulted in the success of the CTBT. Based on these insights, my intention was to identify relevant events and actors in the process around the Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT), which has been on the nuclear disarmament agenda for over a decade. Furthermore, my ambition was that the examination of the CTBT negotiation would give me some clarity in what the next step would be to get the FMCT back on track. By using the method of process tracing I intended to achieve the purpose of the essay. I found that the examination of the CTBT process was very helpful in understanding the complexity of multilateral negotiations and that it is not always possible to reach an agreement through completely fair deals. I think that the negotiation of an FMCT will be equally difficult provided the Conference on Disarmament does not decide to transform its structure and procedures.

This thesis examines hindrances for women’s representation in Georgian politics at national level. The purpose is to understand what causal mechanisms that impact female representation in the National Parliament of Georgia. More precisely, the main purpose is to examine the hindrances for women to participate in politics in order to facilitate a deeper understanding of the known phenomenon of under-representation of women in politics. The thesis seeks to understand the contemporary situation in Georgia. The thesis is carried out with the case-study design and material consists mainly of interviews with female members of Parliament, representatives from political parties, and gender-issue experts from NGOs. The analysis of this thesis is also based on the results of previous research. The questions asked in the study are: What are hindering factors for women’s political participation in contemporary Georgia? and What are women’s organisations’, political parties’ and policy entrepreneurs’ role in increasing women’s political participation in Georgia? The overarching theoretical framework used in the thesis consists of structures, institutions and actors as well as feminist theory. The thesis argues that major obstacles for women to participate in politics are public opinion, the electoral system and the nomination process in political parties in Georgia. Further, influential individuals, so called policy entrepreneurs are seen as having an important role for the increase of women’s political participation and gender-equality issues in general. The most likely action to be seen is continued training and education for society as a whole, mainly targeting women. Affirmative actions such as party quotas seem far away.

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No description available.

En militärt starkare makt har ofta överraskande svårt att ”besegra” eller ”hantera” en betyd-ligt svagare part i en konflikt, inbördes såväl som internationella. Övermakten uppvisar inte sällan en oförmåga att anpassa sig till nya omständigheter, medan den svagare aktören tvingas förändra sig. Vad beror detta på? Jag ska i denna uppsats undersöka en starkare aktörs förmåga, eller oförmåga, att hantera en militärt underlägsen moståndare. För att tydliggöra frågeställningen har jag valt att göra en fallstudie med fokus på den brittiska arméns förändringsbenägenhet under konflikten i Nordirland.

We are soldiers, not policemen. Denna uppsats rör det vakuum som ofta uppstår när en regim faller samman på grund av krig, och dess ordningsmakt upplöses, eller av annat skäl inte förmår upprätta ordningen. Ofta inträffar plundring och upplopp i det ”polisiära” tomrum som inträffar från det att den tidigare regimens ordningsmakt drar sig undan, till dess att en ny poliskår träder in och bör-jar återupprätta lag och ordning. Av olika skäl frånsäger sig den intervenerande makten inte sällan arbetsuppgifter av mer ”polisiär” natur, alltifrån att bevaka samhällsviktiga byggnader till att dirigera trafik. I stor utsträckning följde kriget i Irak våren 2003 detta mönster från tidigare konflikter; ordningsmakten drog sig undan, plundring utbröt och koalitionen, bestående främst av USA och Storbritannien, nekade inledningsvis till att det var deras uppgift att ingripa mot laglösheten. Denna uppsats försöker beskriva och förklara varför militären inte vill vara polis, i ett läge när ingen annan kan utföra denna uppgift.

In Jan Jagers and Stefaan Walgrave theory about populism as a political communication-style they claim that one can find this in the rhetoric of political parties. In their study of Belgian politics they found that the extreme-right party Vlaams Block has embraced this populism to a larger extent than other parties. Based on this theory this thesis aims at finding populism as a communication-style in three different Swedish political parties with the purpose to see if the extreme-right party “The Sweden Democrats” will show populism to a larger extent than other parties, as was the case in the Belgian study. Based on Jagers and Walgraves operational definition of populism as a political communication-style this thesis applies it to the rhetoric of three different parties being “The Social Democratic Party”, “The Moderate Party” and “The Sweden Democrats”. This is done in order to be able to clarify on the one hand if their theory is applicable to the Swedish case and on the other hand to what extent populism as a communication-style exists in Swedish political rhetoric. The method for this thesis has been a qualitative text analysis since and leads to the result that Jagers and Walgraves theory of populism as a communication-style is applicable to the Swedish case and that “The Sweden Democrats” to a larger extent uses this political communication style, than the two other parties.

The focus on this essay is derived from an international and national dialogue for sustainable development. The recommendation from international level has been to find solutions for governments to implement strategies for sustainable development between local and regional level. This initiative is to improve and stimulate the dialogue between the local inhabitants, officials, entrepreneurs and stakeholders in the communities together with the authorities on the regional level. The purpose is to share knowledge and find ways to learn about the natural systems and how to co-operate in the work of preserving the natural resources and developing different processes for a sustainable development. Many scientists’ today stress the importance that ecosystem resilience is promoted by biodiversity conservation and that we need to find solutions for local ecosystem management practices. This essay aims to find theoretical approaches and perspectives that can be used in a wider framework to study co-operative processes between the local (agent) and regional (structure) level. The methodological approach to this question is to outline Anthony Giddens structuration theory and to understand the relationship between structure – agency. Further it will look into the work of Bob Jessop and Colin Hay in the strategic – relational approach, Mette Kjear and Rod Rhodes concept of Governance and also Elinor Ostrom with her perspective of governing the Commons that also includes the theories of Collective action and Common-pool resources. This is to find a direction on how to study local and regional co-operative processes and local ecosystem management practices. The result is to be used in a more comprehensive study and with a comparative analysis of land-use models in Sweden such as national parks, biosphere reserves and world heritage sites.