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This thesis is foremost dealing with the process and the consequences of the restoration of the Latvian republic after 1991. It was examined what liberal and ethnic democracy can tell about the assessment of citizenship in general and about the restoration of Latvia in particular. Further, it was analysed how the Latvian legislation defines the citizenry and if preference to a certain ethnic group is given. The change over time of the relevant legal documents was subject to this study as well. It was evaluated, which impact the exclusive approach to citizenship (initially purely based on state-continuity) that in 1991 disfranchised 30% of the population, had for the rights of these people. The method of ideational analysis was used to scrutinise the law texts. In order to gain information on the effects for the population in question, the method of effect analysis was used. This was enriched with interviews conducted by the author on two occasions with governmental representatives, researchers and members of NGO´s in Riga 2008. The legal documents here, encompass the Latvian Constitution (1922), the Resolution on Restoration (1991), the Law on Citizenship (1994, 1995, 1998) and the Law of the Republic of Latvia on the status of former USSR citizens who have neither the Latvian nor another state’s citizenship (1995). The literature read for the purpose of this study spans generally from 1992 to 2006. The conclusion drawn here is that the strict application of the state-continuity thesis and the denying of state responsibility for the changes of population in 50 years time are inconsistent with liberal democracy. Rather this citizenship policy resembles features of an ethnic democracy. The changes in the Law on Citizenship of 1995, where ethnic Latvians and Livs were given the possibility to come to Latvia and receive citizenship automatically (even if they were not citizens of interwar Latvia), while children born to non-citizen (all of them non-ethnic Latvians) after 1991, were not automatically conferred citizenship, made the preferential treatment for one ethnic group obvious. Due to the fact that large parts of the minority population were disenfranchised, they were not able to contest important governmental decisions. As a result, laws directed against the interest of the minority population were introduction. As a whole, a marginalisation of the minority population took place.

The refugee crisis has been one of the main foci in western media the last years. Many European countries are raising their concerns on the refugees and how they are not able to help them. This thesis is a desk study which seeks to examine the Syrian refugee influx upon Lebanon.  Michael Brown’s book about reasons about internal conflicts have been the guideline to mark out any eventual internal conflicts a big refugee influx can eventually stir upon a country. The thesis will try to analyse and figure out if the refugee crisis will fuel the already existing sectarian tensions in the country. The do not clearly establish whether the refugee influx in Lebanon will potentially produce a new civil war or not. The refugee crisis has proven itself to be a burden for Lebanon within many of its internal sectors and the political tensions run higher now than earlier. The possibility for a renewed civil war is therefore not impossible but at the same time it might as well be avoided completely.

Detta arbete har undersökt Rysslands agerande i Ukraina och annekteringen av Krim 2014, via en kvalitativ fallstudie med motivanalys som huvudsaklig metod. Studien har använt sig av en teoriprövande design där det teoretiska materialet har stått i centrum och testats utifrån det valda fallet. Dom teorier som har ställs mot varandra och prövats har varit den strukturella realismen och socialkonstruktivismen. Undersökningen riktade in sig på Rysslands egna motiveringar till deras agerande och resultatet pekade på att dessa motiveringar var otillräckliga för att förklara handlingen som undersöks. Istället så identifierades andra motivindikatorer och slutligen motiv där slutsatserna pekade på att handlingen kan identifieras och motiveras som egennyttjande motiv i korrelation till teorin kring strukturell realism.

Denna studie undersöker om empowerment som metod för flyktning-, asyl- och migrantkvinnor kan vara nyckeln och ge bättre förutsättningar till lokal och social integration. Detta har undersökts genom en kvalitativ fallstudie på ett integrationsprojekt för enbart kvinnor. Utifrån intervjuer och deltagande observation har empowermentprocessens verktyg identifierats samt på vilket sätt det kan främja kvinnornas förutsättningar för integration. Studien visar att empowermentrelaterade metoder i en miljö med endast kvinnor haft en positiv verkan för empowerment av kvinnorna och vidare underlättat deras förutsättningar för integration. Detta förklaras utifrån att empowerment ökar självkänslan och självförtroendet hos kvinnorna vilket kan resultera i förbättrad svenskinlärning och mottagligheten för samhälls- och kulturell kunskap. Det kan främja förmågan att definiera nya mål och framtidsplaner. Empowerment av kvinnorna kan således ge bättre förutsättningar och bidra till kvinnornas vilja och mod att ta del av det nya samhället.

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Over the past decades, a convergence between civil and political human rights non governmental organisations (NGOs) and development NGOs have occurred. The fusion of the two disciplines have led to the construction of so called ‘Rights-Based approaches’ (RBA). One principal concept for RBA’s is the question of accountability. Functional accountability is no longer seen as sufficient and more focus on social accountability have advanced. In previous research NGOs are repeatedly questioned for their level of accountability. This comparative qualitative case study therefore aim to examine how three Swedish based NGOs perceive accountability, with the purpose to contribute to the academic discussion of NGO accountability. By using grounded theory and selective coding, this study will contribute with new empirical data to the ongoing development of RBA theory. Empirical data is collected through interviews, NGOs official strategies documents and analysed in relation to the empirically grounded theory. The main findings in this comparative case study is that organisations different backgrounds and values influence how they perceive RBA and accountability, and which methods are used to reconcile with accountability claims. The collected empirical data concludes perceptions of accountability mostly focuses on four interconnected key principles; power relations, democracy, transparency and empowerment.

Incorrect waste disposal has devastating consequences for the environment. Recycling is an environmentally friendlier way to dispose of waste, and recycling opportunities are turning up in more and more public spaces. However, at any given recycling station, lots of recyclables are not recycled. This study posed the question: “Can simple ‘nudges’ be used to increase the proportion of correctly disposed of recyclables at public recycling stations?” And through field experiments at Uppsala University this study has shown that there is a significant potential for nudges when it comes to recycling behavior in common spaces. Various signs were designed and attached to recycling stations spread out over six different campuses. Statistically significant changes were observed and the generalizability of these findings is expected to be wide, as the interventions are operating on a cognitive level.

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Post-Apartheid South Africa has seen xenophobic sentiments towards migrants increase, culminating in several deadly riots. The words of equality and diversity, nurtured during the fight for independence seem to be far away. Building on Micheal Neocosmos theories on South African Xenophobia as a political discourse, this thesis examines how nationalist discourse creates and sustains negative perceptions of migrants. Using theories on national identity to undertake a critical discourse analysis of South African parliament proceedings, it illustrates how the perception of a civic and democratic nation, naturalizes a dichotomy between migrants and citizens. How the narrative of an equal and free South Africa, relies on the opposite perception of neighboring countries, as chaotic, undemocratic and un-free, resulting in a negative view of migrants. It argues that the opposing discourse of Pan-Africanism provides an opportunity in which a more inclusive identity can be built. Finally this thesis wishes to contribute to further research on national identity construction, by proposing a four-dimensional framework of exclusion that provides a reference point for contrasting national discourses