Sir Arthur Edward Kennedy, G.C.M.G., C.B., was in many respects a typical British colonial governor of the nineteenth century. His family was a branch of the noble Kennedy family headed by the Scottish Earls of Cassillis. His immediate ancestors were country squires in long possession of an ample and prosperous estate at Cultra, County Down in Northern Ireland. They were directly connected by marriage with the families of the Earls of Enniskillen and of Londonderry. Like other great landowners in their region, the Kennedys were resident and "improving" landlords, efficiently conscious of their obligations to their dependents. They were a typical service family, marked by a high degree of mental and physical vigour. They were members of the Church of England and Ireland and were intensely loyal to the British connection. The younger sons attained to good rank in the navy, the army and the colonial service. Arthur Edward was born at Cultra on April 9, 1809. He was brought up by pious and enlightened parents in a secure and happy home--the fifth child in a family of eleven children. He was educated at home by private tutor until 1823, when at the age of fourteen he went up to Trinity College, Dublin, for a year of contact with his fellows. His formal education was the typical classicism of the early nineteenth century--a process decried today, but nevertheless an integral part of a whole system that was highly effective for his class. The main effect of his youth was by its security to develop in him an assurance of the worth of his own ideas, a confident and gracious bearing, and a true kindliness. During his youth and young manhood, Arthur was influenced by several strong currents of thought that showed plainly in his later life. His class assumed that it was possessed of a monopoly of political wisdom. His outlook was therefore never democratic. Rather was it inspired by a belief that he was responsible for the welfare of people placed under his care. His region and his family were Tory. He became a Conservative in politics--influenced by the liberalism of his age. The basic influence of his childhood was the sturdy independence of the country squire--carried down to him from his eighteenth century ancestors by oft-repeated maxims. Arthur always held a firm belief in the virtue of self-reliance. He readily absorbed the policy of laissez-faire. Another major influence on his life was the strong force of Evangelical religion. It not only reinforced his family training in pious, upright and honourable conduct, but also helped to produce a certain narrow intensity and an intolerance of other opinion when he was sure that any chosen course of action was basically right. It possibly contributed to his habit of blunt statement of his belief or opinion. The strong humanitarianism predominant in the United Kingdom during his youth joined with Evangelicalism to produce in him a true feeling of brotherhood towards subject native peoples, a solicitude for the welfare of the African negro, a sincere interest in prison reform and the rehabilitation of convicts, a determination to curb the evils of liquor traffic and a desire to foster Bible societies and the Sunday school movement. Yet Arthur Kennedy was a typical product of his age in that his ideas were a product of compromise. Though he was never a radical in outlook, it is probable that he was influenced to some extent by Benthamite proposals so vigorously advanced during the period of his young manhood. Certainly his attitude toward education was broader than that of the average Evangelical. That attitude was to result in enlightened, practical and effective action for the establishment of common non-sectarian schools. He likewise gave strong support to mechanics' institutes and literary institutes. One of the finest products of the enlightenment of his childhood home was a sincere religious tolerance. In 1827 Arthur entered the army as an ensign in the 27th (or Inniskilling) Regiment of Foot. In the same year he transferred to the 11th Regiment of Foot because that unit suddenly had the prospect of active service in defence of the liberty of Portugal. The hope was disappointed and his regiment spent ten years of garrison duty in the Ionian isles. At the beginning of 1838, however, it was hurried to North America to suppress any further outbreak of rebellion in the Canadas and to ward off any attack from across the American border. At the beginning of 1839 Great Britain and the United States were brought very close to war over the Maine-New Brunswick boundary. The 11th Regiment was moved into the disputed territory and was there in the Madawaska forests during this dispute until its settlement in March. At that time Lieutenant Kennedy returned to Britain to be married. On the return of the 11th Regiment to the United Kingdom in 1840, he sold out and purchased a captaincy, unattached, on half-pay. For a time he entered imperial politics in the election campaign of 1841. However, when it appeared again that war might break out with the United States, he purchased a captaincy in a regiment that was being moved to strengthen the British army in North America, the 68th Regiment of Light Infantry. He was destined, however, to serve till 1844 in simple garrison duty in Canada. Kennedy was always interested in politics. During his army service in New Brunswick and in Canada, he had his one opportunity to observe colonial governors in action before he in turn became a governor. In the main he observed men--Sir John Harvey, Lord Sydenham and Sir Charles Metcalfe--who succeeded in uniting the functions of chief minister with that of governor. On the whole he saw successful opposition to the adoption of responsible government. In all the governors he observed, except Sir Charles Bagot, he saw men who successfully implemented their determination that the function of the governor was to govern. It is probable that these examples had a distinct bearing on his own ideas. He was always to prefer the more authoritative forms of government. His army experience was likewise instrumental in turning his mind toward a belief in the value of prompt punishment for any offence. Yet his officer's code deepened his habit of paternal care for the welfare of those placed under his charge. The sum of the influences of his army period on Kennedy was to reinforce his aptitude for crisp and efficient action and to deepen his tendency toward imperiousness. It was on May 18, 1839, that Arthur Kennedy married Georgina Macartney—daughter of a family very similar to his own. They had three children, Elizabeth, born in Montreal in 1842, Arthur, born in London in 1845, and Georgina, born in Ireland in 1846. In 1846 Captain Kennedy entered the humane service of relief of distress during the Irish famine. Early in 1847 he was a supervising inspector of relief measures under Sir John Burgoyne. From the fall of 1847 to 1851 he was a Poor Law inspector in Kllrush, County Clare, where he was responsible for the welfare of some eighty thousand people. In this service he faced danger of smallpox or fever, threats or actual attack on his person with equal indifference. Efficient in the management of his union, he demanded efficiency from his subordinates or ruthlessly drove them from the system. He was tireless and self-sacrificing in the service of the deserving poor. Yet he was determined that all able-bodied men should rely on their own exertions. When it became necessary to give them relief, he did so only in the work-house, and there he saw to it that they gave full return in hard work. His action was wisely based on his firm belief in the value of self-reliance. In this efficient union a larger part of expenditure was made for the benefit of those really in need of help than in any other union in this most distressed part of Ireland. Thereafter his memory was held in affectionate regard. In 1852 Arthur Kennedy was made governor of the negro colony of Sierra Leone. His regime was marked by encouragement of education. It was notable also for the first organized attention to sanitary reform that the colony had known--minor in degree but in advance of the age. The work was carried on not by the state, but by a voluntary improvement society under Kennedy’s leadership. The governor ruthlessly suppressed the vicious practice of selling apprenticed negro children to slavers just outside the colony--an abuse that had been the despair of his predecessors. There was some suspicion among his detractors that he had used arbitrary methods in achieving this desirable end. Sierra Leone depended on trade. Kennedy's management of trade regulations was characterized by a high degree of administrative skill. His handling of finances was likewise admirable. His flair for courtly language and ceremony, coupled with a true feeling of brotherhood with the negro, made him successful in handling complicated extra-territorial relations. As a result of that success a rich trading region, the Sherbro country, was brought Into closer relations with Britain--and in due course became part of the colony. While the governor was just and friendly in his dealings with nearby native chiefs, he was firm in his demands for reparation in the one instance when a British subject was seriously wronged during his regime. This union of courtesy, just dealing and firmness made his handling of relations with nearby tribes a real success. British prestige was thereby increased and trade improved. In spite of the importance of all trade relations, the governor refused to use money from the colonial treasury to build a wharf for the ships of the African Steamship Company and thereby earned some unpopularity from the ship captains of that powerful company. In Sierra Leone as elsewhere. Governor Kennedy was notable for his reverent attendance at the services of the Church of England. In this colony he sat with equanimity under a negro clergyman. In this colony the form of government made the governor supreme. He had sole charge of executive affairs and his Legislative Council was entirely appointive, consisting mainly of highly competent negro officials. These men were extremely loyal to Britain because of their gratitude for that country's blows against the slave trade. Their tendency was to be almost excessively deferential to the Queen's representative. The courtesy with which Governor Kennedy treated them, not only in official matters but in social affairs also, must have deepened their disposition to agree with his opinions and decisions with little debate. Sierra Leone proved to be the very type of colony in which Kennedy could most successfully improve the interests of the people and of the empire. Yet this experience tended to ingrain more deeply into him his early tendencies to dominance and to forthright statement of his opinion on every matter. These qualities of vigorous domination of any situation were shown as he returned home on the steamship Forerunner. When the ship was wrecked by the master's incompetent handling, the forceful governor controlled a panic-stricken crew and saved many lives. In 1855 Captain Kennedy was appointed to the governorship of the struggling colony of Western Australia. Handicapped by a mistaken land policy at its foundation, and further hampered by the application of the Wakefield land system when it was too late, this colony had been the scene of continued gloom and economic depression. In 1850 the system of transportation of convicts to this colony had been accepted in the hopes that the accompanying large imperial expenditures and assisted free immigration would bring prosperity. However, the impact of these expenditures, in the absence of increased production, resulted in such a high rate of importation that the colony plunged into a new depression. In that situation the influx of assisted free immigration was an embarrassment. It was necessary to establish the dole and to ask that immigration be stopped. The colonial treasury was in as bad shape as the economic condition of the people. In 1855, when Kennedy arrived, there were no funds available to pay the salaries of the officials, and the colony was deep in debt. Moreover, the imperial government, in view of its large expenditures in the colony for convicts, had just put Into force a reduction of grants in aid of government. Thus the new governor arrived when the people were in a surly mood of anger against a poor land system, an authoritative form of government and the failure of heavy imperial expenditures on convicts to cure the financial ills of the colony. Governor Kennedy met the financial bankruptcy of Western Australia with vigorous ruthlessness. He cut down the number of government employees, reduced expenditures, demanded work in return for the dole, and forced his appointive Legislative Council to agree to measures of greatly increased taxation. Although he was met with hatred for these stern measures, he succeeded in bringing the colony's decline to a halt. Kennedy's unpopularity was increased when he turned his attention to the evils of the liquor traffic. He saw that one of the most harmful features of this trade was the possession of licences by conditionally pardoned convicts who used their position to draw ticket-of-leave men into trouble and then blackmail them. Although the only condition of their pardon was that they might not return to the United Kingdom, Kennedy pushed through a law denying conditional pardon men the right to hold liquor licences. In this action he had the support of the leaders of his church, but his enemies rightly marked it as an arbitrary withdrawal of the rights of free men. This feature of the law was not confirmed by the home government. The efficient but unloved governor had in the meantime turned his attention to positive measures for bringing prosperity. Under his careful supervision his efficient Executive Council worked well and successfully to devise a completely new land system, the only one that had ever given general satisfaction in this colony. In a new spirit of confidence the people began to take up farming and pastoral lands. The governor had in the meantime been pushing forward a systematic policy of exploration for good pastoral land. This policy was successful. A great new area of suitable land was discovered in the northwest. Within a decade these vigorous and well-planned measures were to bring to Western Australia the first prosperity it had ever known. Still Kennedy was not popular. The reason anger was stirred so strongly against him was his stubborn adherence to any policy once marked out by careful investigation. He had clashed with vested interests over liquor licences. He came into conflict with vested interests again when he tried to bring lightermen in the ports under more efficient regulation. His greatest unpopularity was occasioned when he wisely refused to build a railway for the benefit of a private copper mining company. The governor made his decision on the basis of unduly fluctuating prices for copper on world markets. However, his enemies were able to stir up great anger against him because there was now a fat surplus in the colonial treasury, and his refusal to build the railway was regarded as parsimonious. Kennedy had other plans for that surplus. Without bothering to consult his Legislative Council, he spent it on a great programme of public works. Moreover, he earmarked a like sum from the revenues of the next year, although his term of office was up. His successor was forced to follow along the lines Kennedy had laid down and to regularize his domineering action. Yet the colony in the new prosperity brought by Kennedy’s wise measures was well able to afford these well-planned expenditures. One of the finest aspects of Kennedy's administration was his supervision of the convict system. The colonists did not like his policy because they rightly charged that he thought first in terms of imperial interest. He refused to use the convict labour to build many great public buildings for the use of the colonists. Instead, he kept the convicts away from the towns. His policy--in which he had the close cooperation of a humane and efficient comptroller of convicts--was as quickly as possible to get the convicts out of prison into work on road-building and land-clearing, and from there into private employment on ticket-of-leave. During this period of ticket-of-leave the men had strict supervision but were given every encouragement to succeed. This policy of trying to rehabilitate men by the healing power of hard work in the open country was one of true vision. Arthur Kennedy's governorship of Western Australia was marked by his imperious acceptance of the responsibility laid on his shoulders by an authoritative system of government. His tendency to dominance made him unpopular. Yet this man not only brought the colony into full stride of the only prosperity it had ever known, but his wise superintendence of the convict system gave to those convicts a greater chance to succeed in their new home. That was a gift of great worth to the colony. In 1862 Arthur Edward Kennedy was rewarded for his successful governorship of Western Australia by the order of Companion of the Bath. We see him at that time, still in the first part of his career as a colonial governor, enlightened, humane, efficient and upright, but marked by a stubborn adherence to his own plans and by a tendency to imperiousness that had been deeply ingrained In his character by the nature of his early governorships. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Variations in the electricity consumption and production connected to the power system have to be balanced by active control. Hydropower is the most important balancing resource in the Nordic system, and will become even more important as the share of variable renewable energy sources increases. This thesis concerns balancing of active power, especially the real-time balancing called frequency control. The thesis starts in a description of the situation today, setting up models for the behaviour of hydropower units and the power system relevant to frequency control, and comparing the models with experiments on several hydropower units and on the response of the Nordic grid. It is found that backlash in the regulating mechanisms in hydropower units have a strong impact on the quality of the delivered frequency control. Then, an analysis of what can be done right now to improve frequency control and decrease its costs is made, discussing governor tuning, filters and strategies for allocation of frequency control reserves. The results show that grid frequency quality could be improved considerably by retuning of hydropower governors. However, clear technical requirements and incentives for good frequency control performance are needed. The last part of the thesis concerns the impact from increased electricity production from variable renewable energy sources. The induced balancing need in terms of energy storage volume and balancing power is quantified, and it is found that with large shares of wind power in the system, the energy storage need over the intra-week time horizon is drastically increased. Reduced system inertia due to higher shares of inverter connected production is identified as a problem for the frequency control of the system. A new, linear synthetic inertia concept is suggested to replace the lost inertia and damping. It is shown that continuously active, linear synthetic inertia can improve the frequency quality in normal operation and decrease wear and tear of hydropower units delivering frequency control.

The design of a practical torque sensing governor which can be used with any type of prime mover and load was accomplished. An investigation was performed to determine the advantages of such a governor as applied to a small internal combustion engine. The characteristics of the engine, torque sensor, and load were determined in order that the system composed of the aforementioned elements could be simulated on an analog computer. The simulated system was governed by a simulated torque sensing governor and optimized, then the same procedure was followed with a simulated proportional-integral-derivative governor. The real system was then governed by each type of governor using the optimum values of governor parameters obtained from the simulated system. The control response curves of the real and simulated systems using both governors were obtained by application of a step-change in load. From these response curves it was determined that for both the real and simulated systems the torque sensing governor produced less speed error for less time than the proportional-integral-derivative governor. Open-loop frequency response data were taken for the real system using each governor and the Nyquist stability criteria applied. The Nyquist criteria showed the system to be stable when either governor was used. The Nyquist plots showed that the torque sensor reduced phase lag more than the derivative component of conventional control. / Master of Science

No description available.

The intention of campaign finance regulations was to reduce the influence of special interest groups while increasing citizen contributions. Critics have suggested an unintentional consequence of this policy of increasing bias in campaign contributions in favor of incumbents. These claims of intentional and unintentional consequences, however, have rarely been tested. My dissertation examines the intentional and unintentional consequences of campaign finance regulations in the American states. This study adopts a theoretical framework emphasizing the different effects of regulations on two distinctive types of contributors. A particularistic contributor, whose motivation is influencing policy, is likely to be affected by contribution limits. A universalistic contributor, motivated by helping his or her favorite candidates, is not likely to respond to regulations. Furthermore, the disparity of contributions is not expected to be affected by contribution limits. Two specific hypotheses reflecting the theoretical consideration are tested: 1) Restrictive contribution limits reduce the number and amount of particularistic contributions and increase the disparity between the numbers as well as the amounts of contributions, and 2) Contribution limits do not affect the number, the amount, or the disparities of universalistic contributions. Individual contribution records on gubernatorial elections are collected from 1990 to 2000 in 42 states. After aggregating individual contribution records by state and candidate, two analyses are conducted at the state and candidate level. The results indicate that campaign finance regulations work without the unintentional consequence of providing a financial advantage to incumbents at both the state and candidate levels. Contribution limits increase the number of total contributors, reduce the number and amount of particularistic contributions, and increase the number of universalistic contributors. In addition, further analyses show a dynamic effect of contribution limits on corporations, labor unions, individuals, parties, and ideology PACs. Restrictive contribution limits reduce the number and amount of corporate contributions, but only reduce the amount of labor union contributions. On the other hand, strict contribution limits encourage individual contributions, but discourage party and ideological PAC contributions. The intentional consequence of campaign finance regulations does not result in the unintentional consequence of increasing bias in favor of incumbents. These findings suggest that current regulations that limit campaign contributions should remain in place.

This thesis is a study of the campaign tactics of the Arkansas gubernatorial elections as revealed by the 1948, 1950 and 1952 campaigns.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar as relações entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo em nível provincial na Argentina. Tanto estas relações entre os poderes do Estado quanto a esfera estadual colocam-se como temas de relevância nos estudos de ciência política na atualidade, que analisam os sistemas presidencialistas em diferentes níveis. O federalismo e o presidencialismo são matérias recorrentes nos estudos sobre as instituições na Argentina. Os debates enfatizam o papel que o presidente tem na dinâmica das interações entre os entes e os poderes, ora na esfera nacional, ora nas próprias províncias. Tradicionalmente, as análises levavam em consideração um predomínio do executivo e da administração federal em distintas esferas, supondo que o legislativo era um simples homologador das decisões executivas e colocando um véu no que realmente se passava tanto nas arenas legislativas quanto nos níveis provinciais. Um novo grupo de estudos demonstrou, através de análises da produção legislativa, que o presidente argentino não é todo-poderoso, encontra empecilhos em sua relação com o legislativo, e só consegue aprovar metade das propostas que encaminha ao parlamento nacional, evidenciando que não há tal predomínio de um poder sobre o outro. Seguindo estes trabalhos, assim como a literatura que trata sobre a temática, a presente tese busca novos enfoques para estudar o que acontece no presidencialismo estadual na Argentina. Estudam-se os projetos de lei ingressados nas câmaras baixas provinciais e as taxas de sucesso que parlamentares e governadores conseguem em sua aprovação. Compara-se o comportamento dos atores nos trabalhos legislativos, levando em consideração os poderes constitucionalmente conferidos a eles, as regras eleitorais para os cargos executivos e legislativos, a estruturação do Poder Legislativo em uma ou duas câmaras, o tamanho das bases governistas e a organização interna do legislativo em forma mais e menos centralizada. Usando estes fatores que incentivam maior ou menor produção legislativa por parte de governadores e parlamentares, busca-se esclarecer o papel que eles cumprem no processo decisório das províncias argentinas. / The main objective of this thesis is to analyze the relations between Executive and Legislative powers in the Argentinean provinces. Nowadays, these relations between the powers of the State in those two spheres of government are relevant subjects in the Political Science studies, which analyze presidential system at different levels. The federalism and presidentialism are frequent topics in the papers of Argentinean institutional analysis. The interactions between the spheres and powers at national or provincial levels are fundamental debates that emphasize the center role of the President in the power relation dynamics. Traditionally, scholars presupposed a predominance of federal Executive and administration. They assume that Legislative was a simple approval agency of Executive decisions, putting a veil in what really happened in both legislative and provincial levels. Recently studies demonstrate, using a legislative production analysis that Argentinean President is not almighty, as was thought to be. They found obstacles in the relation between the Executive and Legislative power, and demonstrate that the success rate rise about to the half of the bills, showing that there is no dominance of one power over another. Following these researches and the literature on the issue, this thesis looks for new approaches to study the provincial presidentialism in Argentina. The success rates of the bills presented by Governors and representatives to the provincial low chambers are used here as performance indicators. This work compares the behavior of actors at legislative office, taking into account their constitutional instruments, the electoral rules to executive and legislative positions, the difference between the legislative structure (one or two chambers), the parliamentary group of the official coalition, and the internal legislative organization depending on a more or less centralized way. It pretends to achieve their role in decision process at Argentinean provinces using all these factors that incentive Governors and representatives to higher or lower legislative production.

A literatura focada na Primeira República brasileira (1891-1930) normalmente considera o parlamento desprovido de poder político porque enquadra neste período o marco do acordo firmado entre o presidente Campos Sales e os governadores estaduais para impedir a eleição das oposições no Legislativo Federal. Uma tese até hoje consolidada na historiografia política e que em geral tributa o desfecho autoritário daquele regime à cristalização dos efeitos do referido pacto, mais conhecido como politica dos governadores. O presente trabalho investiga a suposta passividade dos parlamentares eleitos de 1900 em diante através do exame da composição partidária do Congresso Nacional e comportamento legislativo dos representantes em algumas questões cruciais valendo-se do estudo da Câmara dos Deputados. A hipótese de pesquisa parte do entendimento clássico e assume que a Casa não constituía uma importante arena decisória para se construir consenso, garantido de antemão. Contraintuitivos, os resultados mostram que as bancadas estaduais empossadas nas onze legislaturas abertas entre 1900 e 1930 tenderam majoritariamente ao unipartidarismo, mas nem por isso agiram de modo unânime, coeso e subserviente à orientação do governo, havendo espaço para obstrução e eventuais derrotas amargadas pelo Poder Executivo. Definitivamente, o parlamento não gozava de status marginal no regime como frequentemente se alega, mas configurava um foro de negociação central para a governabilidade. / The literature on the Brazilian First Republic (1891-1930) usually claims that the parliament lacked political power, due to an agreement made between President Campos Sales and state governors that prevented the oppositions from gaining representation in the federal legislature. A well-known thesis in the political historiography links the authoritarian nature of the regime to the effects of that pact, known as politics of governors. This dissertation assesses the supposed passivity of parliamentarians elected from 1900 on, by analyzing the party composition of the national Congress and the legislative behavior of representatives in some crucial issues, based on the study of the Chamber of Deputies. The research hypothesis is rooted on the classic interpretation and assumes that the House did not constitute an important decision-making arena for building consensuses, which were guaranteed beforehand. The results of the analyses reported in this dissertation are counterintuitive and show that the state benches of the eleven legislatures between 1900 and 1930 tended to be single-party, but did not act with unanimity, cohesion and subordination to the recommendations of the government, giving room to obstructions and defeats of the Executive. Definitely, the parliament was not a marginal player in the regime as is frequently claimed, but was rather a forum for negotiations with important consequences for governability.

Political speeches are powerful communicative capital. Speeches signal policy positions, preferences and priorities to other legislators, executives and constituents. Current literature diverges on the prime factor that influences political speech. One body of literature claims institutions influence speech. The authority and constraints of political offices condition speeches’ purpose. Legislators use speeches to credit claim and executives to agenda set. A second body focuses on gender. These authors unanimously find that female legislators speak with a “feminine style”, emphasizing traditional women’s issues including healthcare, education and social spending. The institutional literature that examines executive speech ignores gender. The gender-based literature only examines legislators, ignoring executives. The overlap, female executive speech, has not been studied. There has never been a female US national executive, but female executives on the state level, governors, are a valuable resource. Using an original data set of 668 State of the State addresses given by US governors 2001-2016, I attempt to answer whether gender conditions executive speech. My textual analysis suggests that institutions are more important, and that regardless of gender, governors emphasize similar issues in their speeches. However, male governors address national issues more frequently than female governors who tend to focus on state-specific issues.

Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Mechanical Engineering, 1980. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ENGINEERING. / Includes bibliographical references. / by Gregory Allen Thomas. / M.S.