Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:22:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-05-18Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:08:02Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_tm_me_sjrp.pdf: 614455 bytes, checksum: f87af5bb9f5125cb6a22b375b2431c58 (MD5) / O objetivo geral desse trabalho é investigar a mudança sintático-semântico-pragmática dos juntivos porém, contudo, todavia, entretanto e no entanto, conjuntamente, sob a perspectiva da gramaticalização, a fim de buscar a comprovação da hipótese de uma trajetória do tipo advérbio > conjunção, por meio de análises contextuais que expliquem o surgimento do uso conjuncional adversativo na história do português. Adotamos, nesse trabalho, a concepção mais clássica de gramaticalização, a qual, segundo Hopper e Traugott (2003), prevê que itens lexicais podem, em determinados contextos, passar a assumir funções gramaticais ou, se já gramaticalizados, continuar a desenvolver novas funções gramaticais. Esse processo envolve pragmatização crescente de significados (mudança semântica) e recategorização do item (mudança sintática). A investigação das mudanças pelas quais passaram os itens por nós analisados baseia-se em um corpus composto de textos históricos e textos do português contemporâneo, compreendendo os períodos arcaico (século XIII a XV), moderno (XVI e XVII) e contemporâneo (XVIII a XXI). Considerando fatores de ordem semântica, sintática e pragmática na recomposição da trajetória de gramaticalização de cada um dos itens, podemos atestar que seus funcionamentos adversativo e conjuncional emergiram em diferentes momentos da história do português, fato que, no português contemporâneo, os colocam em diferentes pontos em uma escala de gramaticalização, a saber: porém > todavia, contudo > entretanto > no entanto / The aim of this dissertation is to investigate the syntactic, semantic, pragmatic change of the juntives porém, contudo, todavia, entretanto and no entanto under the perspective of grammaticalization in order to search for the evidence of the hypothesis of a trajectory of the kind adverb > conjunction through contextual analysis which can explain the origin of the adversative use as a conjunction in the history of Portuguese. We adopted, in this paper, the most classical concept of grammaticalization, which, according to Hopper and Traugott (2003), foresees that lexical items can, in some contexts, assume grammatical functions or continue to develop new ones. This process involves growing pragmatization of meanings (semantic change) and recategorization of the item (syntactic change). The investigation of the juntives changes analyzed in this paper is based on a corpus composed of historical texts and texts of contemporary Portuguese, which comprehends the archaic (century XIII to XV), modern (XVI and XVII) and contemporary (XVIII to XXI) periods. Considering the semantic, syntactic and pragmatic factors in the reconstruction of the trajectory of grammaticalization of each one of the juntives, we can attest that the adversative and conjunctional functioning emerged in different moments in the history of Portuguese, a fact that, in contemporary Portuguese, put them in different points on the grammaticalization scale, which is: porém > todavia, contudo > entretanto > no entanto

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Leite Gonçalves / Banca: Mariangêla Rios de Oliveira / Banca: Gisele Cássia de Sousa / Resumo: O objetivo geral desse trabalho é investigar a mudança sintático-semântico-pragmática dos juntivos porém, contudo, todavia, entretanto e no entanto, conjuntamente, sob a perspectiva da gramaticalização, a fim de buscar a comprovação da hipótese de uma trajetória do tipo advérbio > conjunção, por meio de análises contextuais que expliquem o surgimento do uso conjuncional adversativo na história do português. Adotamos, nesse trabalho, a concepção mais clássica de gramaticalização, a qual, segundo Hopper e Traugott (2003), prevê que itens lexicais podem, em determinados contextos, passar a assumir funções gramaticais ou, se já gramaticalizados, continuar a desenvolver novas funções gramaticais. Esse processo envolve pragmatização crescente de significados (mudança semântica) e recategorização do item (mudança sintática). A investigação das mudanças pelas quais passaram os itens por nós analisados baseia-se em um corpus composto de textos históricos e textos do português contemporâneo, compreendendo os períodos arcaico (século XIII a XV), moderno (XVI e XVII) e contemporâneo (XVIII a XXI). Considerando fatores de ordem semântica, sintática e pragmática na recomposição da trajetória de gramaticalização de cada um dos itens, podemos atestar que seus funcionamentos adversativo e conjuncional emergiram em diferentes momentos da história do português, fato que, no português contemporâneo, os colocam em diferentes pontos em uma escala de gramaticalização, a saber: porém > todavia, contudo > entretanto > no entanto / Abstract: The aim of this dissertation is to investigate the syntactic, semantic, pragmatic change of the juntives porém, contudo, todavia, entretanto and no entanto under the perspective of grammaticalization in order to search for the evidence of the hypothesis of a trajectory of the kind adverb > conjunction through contextual analysis which can explain the origin of the adversative use as a conjunction in the history of Portuguese. We adopted, in this paper, the most classical concept of grammaticalization, which, according to Hopper and Traugott (2003), foresees that lexical items can, in some contexts, assume grammatical functions or continue to develop new ones. This process involves growing pragmatization of meanings (semantic change) and recategorization of the item (syntactic change). The investigation of the juntives changes analyzed in this paper is based on a corpus composed of historical texts and texts of contemporary Portuguese, which comprehends the archaic (century XIII to XV), modern (XVI and XVII) and contemporary (XVIII to XXI) periods. Considering the semantic, syntactic and pragmatic factors in the reconstruction of the trajectory of grammaticalization of each one of the juntives, we can attest that the adversative and conjunctional functioning emerged in different moments in the history of Portuguese, a fact that, in contemporary Portuguese, put them in different points on the grammaticalization scale, which is: porém > todavia, contudo > entretanto > no entanto / Mestre

Este trabalho apresenta um estudo sobre a mudança gramatical que tem afetado a palavra afinal. Para isso, iniciamos nossas buscas em dicionários sincrônicos e etimológicos, que favoreceram reconhecer a ampliação do espectro funcional desse item; em seguida, coletamos dados da língua falada e, em face do pouco número de ocorrências, partimos para dados da língua escrita. Norteados pela fundamentação teórica que deriva de Heine, Claudi & Hünnemeyer (1991), reconhecemos um percurso unidirecional seguido pelo item afinal, bem como pudemos reconhecer alguns padrões funcionais associados aos usos desse item. Também, verificamos que as rotas percorridas pelo encadeamento dos padrões funcionais podem assumir um movimento tanto da esquerda para a direita - resultando em gramaticalização; quanto da direita para a esquerda resultando em lexicalização. / This research presents a study on the grammatical change that has been affecting the word \"afinal\". For this we initiate our searches in synchronous and etymologic dictionaries; that has promoted to recognize the enlargement of the functional spectrum of this item. After that, we collected data from the spoken language and, in face of the scarce number of occurrences; we decided to deal with the written language. Guided by the theoretical basis that derives from Heine, Claudi & Hünnemeyer (1991), we recognize a unidirectional way, followed by the item \"AFINAL\", as well as we could recognize some functional standards associated to the use of this item. We also, verify that the routes covered by the functional standards chaining may assume a movement from the left to the right - resulting in grammaticalization, and also from the right for the left, resulting in lexicalization.

One type of internal diachronic change that has been extensively studied for spoken languages is grammaticalization whereby lexical elements develop into free or bound grammatical elements. Based on a wealth of spoken languages, a large amount of prototypical grammaticalization pathways has been identified. Moreover, it has been shown that desemanticization, decategorialization, and phonetic erosion are typical characteristics of grammaticalization processes. Not surprisingly, grammaticalization is also responsible for diachronic change in sign languages. Drawing data from a fair number of sign languages, we show that grammaticalization in visual-gestural languages – as far as the development from lexical to grammatical element is concerned – follows the same developmental pathways as in spoken languages. That is, the proposed pathways are modalityindependent. Besides these intriguing parallels, however, sign languages have the possibility of developing grammatical markers from manual and non-manual co-speech gestures. We will discuss various instances of grammaticalized gestures and we will also briefly address the issue of the modality-specificity of this phenomenon.

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This study is an examination of the role of sociolinguistics in the process of grammaticalization. The modern French negative pas outlasted its competitors among postverbal negators to be selected for inclusion in the modern language. This dissertation seeks to explain why that is so by using the sociolinguistic framework of social network theory. Social network theory postulates that linguistic variables are spread by means of weak, uni-dimensional social links between individuals. Using this framework, it is postulated that medieval Jewish merchants from southern France were responsible for the spread of pas from its area of dialectal predominance in the south to other regions of the country. Dialectological, historical and sociological support for that hypothesis is presented as evidence of the plausibility of the hypothesis. / text

Word order universals constitute a well-known problem in language typology, first outlined in Greenberg (1963). It has been firmly established in databases of over 1500 languages that languages with verb-object ordering are very likely to have prepositions and noun-genitive ordering, while languages with object-verb ordering are very likely to have postpositions and genitive-noun ordering (Dryer and Haspelmath 2011). This thesis attempts to give a historical explanation for these facts in terms of the origin of syntactic categories: adpositions have historically developed from nouns and verbs (Givon 1984, Aristar 1991); and verbs often develop from nominalizations used with a genitive object. These types of grammaticalization can explain why adpositions retain the ordering of their source nouns or verbs, and why verb/object ordering often parallels noun/genitive ordering. This historical explanation is elaborated on, with data from different language families. Examples of verbs grammaticalizing from nominalizations used with genitive objects are given, drawing on historical work such as Salanova (2007) on Brazilian Jê languages and Starosta, Pawley and Reid (1982) on Austronesian. Different languages show varying degrees of 'nominalism', the morphosyntactic resemblance between verb forms and noun phrases/nominalizations. Other languages show a less developed distinction between adpositions and verbs/nouns. These examples of gradience in syntactic categories are argued to be behind resemblances in word orderings. Language contact is responsible for preserving word order types, when languages undergo change in more than one word order (e.g. Greenberg 1969); and the difference in rates of word order change across constructions is argued to be behind hierarchies such as Hawkins (1983)'s Prepositional Noun Modifier Hierarchy. This explanation of word order universals contrasts with more mainstream accounts such as Hawkins (1994) in terms of processing efficiency, and Kirby and Christiansen (2003) in terms of learnability. While these explanations are perhaps compatible with the historical explanation, they are argued to be redundant; grammaticalization arguably is not driven or constrained by learnability and processing efficiency, with memetics, 'typological poise' (Enfield 2003) and language contact given as alternatives. Instead of reflecting functional biases, word order patterns are argued to reflect language history, both the history of language contact, and the history of syntactic categories developing through grammaticalization. / published_or_final_version / Linguistics / Master / Master of Philosophy

In Middle English and Scots, instances of gan and can behave differently from etymologically related beginnen in that they are mainly, or exclusively, found with the plain infinitive and with a non-ingressive meaning. They also occur in narrative verse (rhymed and non-alliterative), where they have a metrical, intensive-descriptive or textual function. All of this suggests that gan and can are more advanced in the divergence of their development towards auxiliation than the verb beginnen. Earlier studies mainly concentrate on the meaning and/or function of gan and can in verse (Wuth 1915, Beschorner 1920, Funke 1922, Mustanoja 1960, Kerkhof 1966, Visser 1969 and Brinton 1981; 1983; 1988 amongst others), whereas investigations by Brinton (1981; 1988; 1996), Ogura (1997; 1998; 2013) and Sims (2008; 2014) address the divergence in the development of this verb and its variant in terms of grammaticalization, but with references to Middle English in general. Studies by Los (2000; 2005), on the other hand, deal with the grammaticalization of onginnan and beginnan with the plain infinitive in Ælfric’s works. However, no studies have been carried out on whether gan and can, as well as beginnen develop differently in terms of grammaticalization in the ‘English’ of the six northern counties of England and of Scotland in the late 14th and the 15th centuries, conventionally referred to as Northern Middle English and Early Scots, respectively. With the aid of Northern Middle English and Early Scots texts from computerised corpora (The Helsinki Corpus of English Texts, The Innsbruck Corpus of Middle English Prose and The Teaching Association for Medieval Studies, as well as The Helsinki Corpus of Older Scots and A Linguistic Atlas of Older Scots), this study looks into whether: a) gan and can, as well as beginnen differ with respect to their morphological paradigms, in view of what we know about grammaticalization and the development of invariant forms? b) these verbs differ with respect to their complements, in view of claims in the literature that the more grammaticalized variant takes the plain infinitive; and c) gan and can are a development from onginnan and aginnan, originally expressing ingression but shown in the literature to have undergone semantic bleaching in Old English and in early Middle English period? This study shows that in Northern Middle English and Early Scots, gan and can display characteristics of grammaticalization, while beginnen participates in global language changes affecting the category of the verb in ME and Scots.

abstract: I investigate how complementizers, which connect subordinate clauses to the main sentence, develop from other parts of speech, namely prepositions and adverbs. This occurs by the process of grammaticalization, in which a word loses lexicality and gains grammatical function instead. I use computer-based corpus analysis to determine how often certain words are used as each part of speech in my selected texts, and whether they are accompanied by other grammatical words. I use two Old English glosses of the Latin gospels, the Rushworth and Lindisfarne glosses, in order to analyze possible diachronic and geographical differences between the texts. I demonstrate that prepositions develop into adverbs and thence into complementizers with the assistance of certain grammatical accessory words which are later lost. This occurs by the process of reanalysis, in which the language user interprets a word or phrase differently than before. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. English 2010

146f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-05-13T17:50:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Ironildes Franca.pdf: 408703 bytes, checksum: 37100227656b91b1d7a1a8d6f339e10d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Alda Lima da Silva(sivalda@ufba.br) on 2013-06-04T17:04:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Ironildes Franca.pdf: 408703 bytes, checksum: 37100227656b91b1d7a1a8d6f339e10d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-04T17:04:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Ironildes Franca.pdf: 408703 bytes, checksum: 37100227656b91b1d7a1a8d6f339e10d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / As raízes das preposições a, em e para da língua portuguesa podem ser traçadas desde as preposições latinas ad, in e da locução prepositiva per ad. Esses simples morfemas assumem diversos significados e usos ao longo dos séculos e expressam simples idéias concretas de deslocamento de coisas e/ou pessoas, tanto quanto as mais abstratas noções de dedicação, devoção e atribuição. O objetivo principal deste trabalho é estudar o processo de gramaticalização passado pela preposição a, em textos representativos dos séculos XVI e XVII, e observar até que ponto ocorre interferência de campos semânticos entre as preposições a, em e para, identificando as sutilezas de seus usos. / Salvador