The Ontario Federation of Anglers and Hunters (OFAH) is an influential sport/interest group that has a long history of advocacy and involvement with policies and management related to the conservation of wildlife and outdoor recreation. Since the 1990’s, the OFAH have been outspoken with their criticisms towards particular Indigenous treaty hunting and fishing rights, co-management agreements, and land claims which are perceived to threaten conservation, future recreational opportunities, and the outdoor economy. Using semi-structured interviews with 20 Indigenous and non-Indigenous respondents and a content analysis of the OFAH’s official documents, this thesis analyzes and compares the views surrounding treaty rights between the OFAH leadership and ordinary hunters and fishers inside and outside the organization. Discourse Analysis, Group Position Theory, and Colour Blind Racism theory were used to flesh out how the meanings and perceived legitimacy of treaty rights are constructed and negotiated, and whether opposition to Indigenous harvesting rights reflects a reactionary response to defend settler-Canadians’ sense of superiority, privileges, and access to resources. The results showed that the OFAH and 55% of the respondents expressed feelings of concern, resentment, and in some cases opposition, revealing an established sense of group position. Although the OFAH leaders and 45% of the respondents displayed varying and limited degrees of support for treaty rights, the general pattern showed how OFAH leaders and respondents drew on similar repertoires with arguments and justifications based on equality, fairness, and a concern for wildlife conservation in order to criticize and/or oppose treaty rights. Consequently, these criticisms directly and indirectly work to define and redefine treaty rights and Indigenous treaty hunters and fishers in a negative manner. This case shows how resentment of and opposition to treaty rights within a settler colonial context embodies a perceived threat to settlers’ sense of group position and the status quo. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / The Ontario Federation of Anglers and Hunters (OFAH) is an influential organization that has criticized Indigenous peoples’ treaty hunting and fishing rights and land claims for allegedly threatening conservation, recreational opportunities, and the outdoor economy. This thesis analyzes and compares the views surrounding treaty rights between the OFAH leadership and ordinary hunters and fishers inside and outside the organization. Interviews with 20 (Indigenous and non-Indigenous) respondents and a review of the OFAH’s official sources showed that OFAH leaders and 55% of the respondents expressed feelings of concern, resentment, and opposition. Although OFAH leaders and 45% of the respondents displayed limited degrees of support for treaty rights, the general pattern showed how they drew on similar arguments based on equality, fairness, and a concern for wildlife to criticize and/or oppose treaty rights revealing a defensive reaction to maintain their privileges and access to resources.

This study aims to understand the relationship between masculinity and the endorsement of attitudes towards guns and violence and aggressive fantasies. I examine threatened masculinity and masculine gender role stress in addition to a newly developed measure, which assesses traits associated with incels, who believe that social liberalism, feminism, and more sexually active men (“Chads”) are to blame for their lack of sex with women. Incels are largely a disorganized group of men interacting online, but a few self-identifying members have been associated with a number of mass violence events in recent years. The data were constructed from an original self-report survey distributed to men aged 18 to 30 years old, the group most responsible for violence against women and mass violence. I hypothesize that men who perceive that men are losing status as a group (status threat) (1), who feel less acceptance as members of that category (acceptance threat) (2), or who exhibit incel traits (3) are more likely to (a) approve of guns, violence, and aggression, and (b) exhibit aggressive fantasies. This study’s findings support three hypotheses: status threat is positively associated with an approval of guns and violence; acceptance threat is positively associated with approval of guns, violence, and aggressive fantasies; and incel traits are positively associated with aggressive fantasies. Men who experience status or acceptance threat or share incel traits exemplify issues of toxicity present in masculinity today. Their support for gun use, violence and aggressive fantasies further show the connection between male insecurity, aggressive attitudes, and fantasizing about violence. / M.S. / This study aims to understand the relationship between masculinity and the endorsement of attitudes towards guns and violence and aggressive fantasies. I examine masculinity and feelings of threat in addition to a newly developed measure, which assesses traits associated with incels (“involuntary celibates”), who believe that social liberalism, feminism, and more sexually active men are to blame for their lack of sex with women. Incels are largely a disorganized group of men interacting online, but a few self-identifying members have been associated with a number of mass violence events in recent years. The data were constructed from a survey distributed to men aged 18 to 30 years old, the group most responsible for violence against women and mass violence. I hypothesize that men who perceive that men are losing status as a group (1), who feel less acceptance as members of that category (2), or who exhibit incel traits (3) are more likely to (a) approve of guns, violence, and aggression, and (b) exhibit aggressive fantasies. This study’s findings support three hypotheses: feelings of group status loss are positively associated with an approval of guns and violence; stress in one’s masculine gender role is positively associated with approval of guns, violence, and aggressive fantasies; and incel traits are positively associated with aggressive fantasies. Their support for gun use, violence and aggressive fantasies further show the connection between male insecurity, aggressive attitudes, and fantasizing about violence.

This thesis investigates how a change in the municipal asylum seeker share affects voting for the Sweden Democrats (SD), a far-right anti-immigration party, in both national Parliament and Municipal Council elections in Sweden. To circumvent the endogeneity problem, I use an instrumental variables strategy where the share of available apartments in Allmännyttan is used as an instrument for the municipal share of asylum seekers living in Migration Agency provided accommodation (ABO). I have exploited municipal level panel data on municipality characteristics, allocations of asylum seekers and national elections. I am not able to find support for any effect of a change in the municipal share of asylum seekers on voting for the Sweden Democrats. Consequently, I cannot provide any support for either the group position theory or the contact hypothesis.

Explaining the rising support for right-wing populist parties in Europe during the last decade is an issue that interests both economists, sociologists and political scientists. A number of theories suggest that the rising inflow of migrants to Europe has had an important causal effect on right-wing populist support. However, as migration patterns generally are not exogenous to right-wing populist support, it is difficult to interpret the estimates of a correlation study causally.  In this paper, I exploit a Swedish refugee dispersal program as a natural experiment to estimate the effect of refugee inflow on the support for the right-wing populist party the Sweden Democrats using an instrumental variable strategy. Despite detailed institutional knowledge, I am not able to find support for any short-term effects of refugee inflow on the self-reported preferences for the Sweden Democrats. This goes against the findings of most previous studies.  However, the multicollinearity of some of my covariates are high. In addition, as the program was introduced in 2016, there are few years available for identification. Thus, the precision of the estimates is relatively low and the study would benefit from adding more years to the panel data set.

This dissertation focuses on the geographical area of Malmö, the third largest city in Sweden, and examines the majority society’s opinions and attitudes toward interracial dating, marriage and childbearing. The dissertation is driven by two theoretical frames: the theory of race as ideas constructed through the perception of visible differences and the theory of prejudice and stereotypes. Mixed methods have been chosen as a means of exploring people’s attitudes toward interracial relationships. Quantitative data was collected by means of an attitude survey and the qualitative data was collected by means of follow-up interviews with some of the respondents who participated in the survey. The study shows that although their attitudes vary depending on the different groups in question, the majority of the respondents and interviewees could imagine getting involved in interrelationships and would not react negatively if a family member got involved in such a relationship. The quantitative results address the importance of intimate contacts, in other words having friends of diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds in having more positive attitudes toward interracial dating, marriage and childbearing. Age, gender, education and the place of upbringing also affects people’s attitudes. The qualitative inquiry probes the reasoning behind the survey results and points to the complicated relations between individual attitudes and the sense of group position. The interviewees’ words depict color-blind ways of talking about attitudes toward interracial marriage and different groups. Ideas of race emerge in this color-blind reasoning and the role of visible difference is highlighted both through the quantitative and qualitative inquiries. / Denna avhandling granskar majoritetssamhällets åsikter och attityder till “interracial marriage and relationships” (blandäktenskap och annan blandrelation). Populationen för denna granskning är ett representativt urval av befolkningen i Malmö, Sveriges tredje största stad. Studien drivs främst av två teoretiska inriktningar. Den ena är teorin om “race” (ras) som innebär att race är tankar och idéer som väcks utifrån fysiska och synliga skillnader hos olika grupper. Den andra är teorin om fördomar och stereotyper. Metoden som använts för att undersöka befolkningsmajoritetens attityder är “mixed methods”. Den kvantitativa enkätstudien följs upp med kvalitativa intervjuer till en del av de svarande. Studien visar att även om det finns variationer i val av preferenser beroende på vilken grupp det handlar om, kan majoriteten av respondenterna i enkäten och intervjupersonerna tänka sig att leva i blandäktenskap eller i annan blandrelation. Majoriteten svarar också att de inte skulle reagera negativt om någon i familjen väljer att leva i ett sådant förhållande. Resultaten från den kvantitativa undersökningen tyder på ett starkt samband mellan att ha vänner med olika etnisk bakgrund och i att vara mer positiv till blandäktenskap och blandrelation. Ålder, kön, utbildningsnivå och var man är uppväxt påverkar också attityderna. Den kvalitativa undersökningen utforskar resonemangen bakom resultaten från enkäten och avslöjar en komplicerad relation mellan individers attityder och känslan av grupposition. Intervjupersonernas ordval och uttryckssätt reflekterar ett “färgblint” sätt att tala om attityder till blandäktenskap och olika grupper. I resonemangen bakom färgblindhet framkommer i både enkäten och intervjuerna tankar och idéer om “race” (ras) och betydelsen av fysiska och synliga skillnader hos olika grupper.

Master's thesis "the climate of the school class" is divided into two parts - theoretical and empirical. Theoretical part deals with subject matter definition of school climate and subsequent analysis and characteristics of related areas. This is mainly an analysis of social class and school climate, mapping factors that contribute to the climate change. Conduction of the mechanisms involved in the formation of school climate closer to analysing in particular iterms of the actors, teachers and pupils. Furthermore, in this part of the work I explore the definition and description of approaches for investigating social climate with a brief analysis of the specific diagnostic methods. Part of the work is also a framework defining the results of current research activities of domestic and foreign research in the above mentioned area. Empirical part focuses on diagnosis of classrooms'climate at selected high schools in the region. Research is focused on mapping the climate changes with an emphasis on quantitative study through selected diagnostical methods. The aim of this part is to find out how the climate of the class differs at secondary technical schools and secondary vocational schools. Conclusion of the theoretical part is dedicated to the importance of the class climate, together with the...