Egypt is a geographically large, populous and internationally-recognised state with an organised bureaucracy and armed forces. In contrast, Hamas is an armed social movement, which, after its electoral victory in January 2006 and, more importantly, after acquiring full control over the Gaza Strip in June 2007, emerged as a quasi-state with internal sovereignty. Egypt enjoys a peace treaty with Israel and a strategic alliance with the US, whereas Hamas is in conflict with Israel, and is designated by the US as a terrorist group. This thesis traces the interactions between Hamas and Egypt during the 2006-2014 period, with a focus on the Mubarak era. The dissertation’s main aim is not only to present how and when asymmetry and strategic differences between Hamas and Egypt were reflected in their relations, but also to explain why and how on certain occasions their interactions took on the form of tactical cooperation. Hence, I show that small or quasi-states in the contemporary Middle East are in position to extract political gains from larger neighbouring state actors even in the presence of strategic differences. This thesis contextualises the situations it discusses through Omni Balancing Theory (OBT), which understands an actor’s foreign policy as the outcome of the efforts of its leader to survive politically by balancing between external and internal threats. In this regard, Egypt’s approach towards Hamas and vice versa at a given time is seen as the result of a cost-benefit calculation that has assessed the value of simultaneous foreign and domestic threats. Accordingly, the dissertation looks at Hamas-Egypt relations through three lenses: firstly, through the impact of international and regional pressures; secondly, through cross-border interactions; and thirdly, through the effect of domestic pressures. Finally, the thesis separately discusses the course of Hamas-Egypt relations between February 2011 and August 2014. This is due to the density of the political developments during this period. To be precise, the three weak post-Mubarak Egyptian governments faced quite diverse threats the dealing of which generated considerable fluctuations in Cairo’s approach towards Hamas.

Cette étude vise à faire la lumière sur le discours politique du mouvement Hamas, dans le cadre d'une approche comparée critique qui s'appuie sur une méthodologie historique dans la recherche et l'analyse. Nous suivons le passage de ce Mouvement, aux références idéologiques religieuses islamistes, de l'opposition palestinienne au pouvoir. Nous essaierons d'atteindre les objectifs suivants :Décrire l'émergence et l'évolution de ce Mouvement, incarnation vivante des Frères musulmans en Palestine, ainsi que les circonstances et facteurs qui ont conduit à sa régression à certains moments de l'histoire et à sa montée en puissance à d'autres. Nous cherchons également à connaitre les racines de ce mouvement avant et après 1948 et jusqu'au déclenchement de l'Intifada en 1987.Identifier les facteurs qui influent sur les politiques et la prise de décision de ce Mouvement, notamment le facteur idéologique et partisan, étant donné qu'il fait partie intégrante du Mouvement international des Frères musulmans dont l'Islam est la référence idéologique et politique. Il existe également le facteur de l'action nationale palestinienne et les intérêts partisans qui lui ont imposé des visions et des positions pragmatiques. De plus, il convient d'analyser la division du leadership entre intérieur et extérieur et enfin l'influence extraordinaire de l'aile militaire dans la formulation des politiques et dans la prise de décision.Identifier les positions du mouvement Hamas vis-à-vis du système politique palestinien dans ses deux composantes - l'OLP et l'Autorité nationale palestinienne - mais aussi vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-palestinien et les options de règlement de celui-ci, et donc de sa position vis-à-vis du règlement politique, comparée aux positions de l'OLP et des autres factions palestiniennes. Cette étude cherche également à connaître la position du Hamas sur le principe de la libération de la Palestine et vis-à-vis des initiatives politiques de l'OLP et des Etats arabes, et celles des organisations ou des pays amis, comme la Conférence internationale, et à faire la lumière sur l'initiative politique du Hamas en comparaison avec les positions des autres forces.Identifier la relation entre le Hamas et les Frères musulmans et le degré d'autonomie dont jouit le Hamas dans le cadre de sa relation avec l'organisation mère, de caractère internationaliste. L'étude tente aussi d'étudier la nature de la relation de ce mouvement avec les organisations internationales, régionales et arabes, en particulier avec les Etats-Unis d'Amérique, l'Union européenne, la Russie, les autres pays de la région et de connaitre sa place dans les axes dans la région, notamment « l'axe de la résistance », à la lumière de ses relations avec les pays arabes voisins de la Palestine (Egypte, Jordanie, Syrie et Liban) et ceux qui influent sur les politiques régionales et arabe en général, et l'Arabie Saoudite et l'Iran en particulier.Explorer l'expérience du Hamas dans sa transition de l'opposition au pouvoir et faire un parallèle avec l'expérience l'Islam politique, en particulier le mouvement des Frères musulmans, le courant salafiste jihadiste, Al-Qaïda, le Hezbollah libanais et enfin le Parti de la Justice et du développement turc, depuis sa création jusqu'à son accession au pouvoir. / This report aims at highlighting the political ideology of Hamas in a comparative approach through critical analysis and researches, based on a historical methodology. We followed this political movement through its religious ideology and Islamic references, from its position as a Palestinian opposition to the reached power itself. We tried to achieve the following objectives:Describing the emergence and evolution of the movement, the living embodiment of the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine, as well as the factors and circumstances that led to its decline and its rise at certain periods of the History. We also seek to know the roots of this movement before and after 1948 and until the outbreak of the intifada in 1987.Identifying the factors that influence the policies and decision making of the Movement, espacially the ideological and partisan aspect, as a matter of fact that Hamas is a fundamental element of the international movement Muslim Brotherhood, where Islam is the ideological and political reference. The report tackles the aspect of the national Palestinian actions and partisan interests who have imposed their own visions and pragmatic positions. In addition, it is necessary to analyze the division of leadership between the inside and outside group, but also the important influence of the military wing in the Policy building and decision making.Identifying the positions of Hamas movement towards the Palestinian political system into its two components – the PLO and the Palestinian Authority – towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its settlement options and therefore towards the political settlement, compared to the PLO positions and other Palestinian factions. This research seeks to determine the position of Hamas on the principle of the Palestinian liberation and towards the political PLO initiatives, the Arab States, the organizations and the friendly countries, such as the International Conference, and to bring out the political initiative of Hamas and comparing it to the other forces' positions.Identifying the relation between the Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, the degree of autonomy that Hamas has in the organization and its international framework. The research tries to study the nature of the relations of the movement with the international, regional and Arab organizations. A special attention is given to the United States, the European Union, Russia and the other regional countries in order to understand its place and position in the axis of the region. The attention is especially focused on the « axis of the resistance » and the kind of relations Hamas has with the Arab countries of Palestine, like Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and States who have an big impact on the regional policies, particularly Iran and Saudi Arabia.Exploring the experience of Hamas in the transitional period, from the opposition to the takeover and parallelly with the experience in the political aspect of Islam with the Muslim Brotherhood, the Salafi Jihad, Al-Qaida, Hezbollah and the Turkish Party of Justice and Development, from its inception until its accession in power.

Zugl.: Potsdam, Univ., Diss., 2007, Diplomarbeit

Bachelor-Arbeit Univ. St. Gallen, 2006.

No / The victory of Hamas, a proscribed terrorist organisation, in the January 2006 elections for the Palestinian Authority, was greeted with dismay by the international community, which responded by cutting off aid. This article seeks to understand why Hamas was elected, as well as the international community's response, through an analysis of the liberal peace thesis. This thesis states that democracies do not go to war with one another, thus it was thought that building a democratic Palestinian state would buttress the peace process. The Palestinian people have, however, elected an organization that rejects the peace process. This has provided a wake-up call for the US to face up to the fact that promoting democratization may not always produce the results it desires. The US sees the election of Hamas as the cause of the current crisis and the main obstacle to peace. This article, however, argues that this is merely a symptom, not the cause, of the crisis. The Palestinian Authority's lack of sovereignty and its complete dependence on Israel put severe limitations on the building of a viable, democratic state. The article concludes that the US's uncompromising response to Hamas could well undermine democracy promotion in the region.

Investigation of the European Union’s foreign policy towards Hamas acquires its significance as a topic from the undemocratic way in which the (supposedly) democratic EU pursues its strategy since, according to its own rhetoric, this should have been normatively undertaken. In examining inconsistencies and paradoxes in the EU discourse towards Hamas, and the determinants underlying such contradictions, the study scrutinizes questions of ‘how’ and ‘why’, focusing mainly on identities and self-interests as lenses borrowed from constructivism and neorealism, as well as the influence of external actors on the way the EU functions towards Hamas. Behind such inconsistency stands a cultural-historical heritage, part of the mind-set of the European decision-makers. The contradictory status of the association between the two actors is formed by the main interactively-constructed and conflictual socio-political components arising from the reality of the EU as a stability-seeking and security-driven actor in Palestine, and the self-definition of Hamas as a freedom-fighter striving for the liberation of its lands. Being defenders of the culturally-drawn meanings given by the EU to Palestine as a ‘promised land’ for the Jews within a two-state solution, and those given to it by Hamas as an ‘Islamic Waqf’ is another field of identities’ clash between the two actors. The Israeli factor, regarded in practice as a fixed, constant and purely Western and European interest in the Middle East, along with the dominant influence of the US on its EU partner, are emphasized as main determinants of EU policy towards Hamas. On the macro and micro levels, the determinants of the EU decision making process, and the way the EU functions when its perceived interests are threatened must be understood when any decision on relations with the EU is taken, particularly by the Palestinian resistance factions. At the same time, the EU should also examine its own inconsistencies in dealing with Hamas as a ‘terrorist’ organization and boycotting its democratically-elected government, in order to avoid repeating the ‘trial and error’ approach with the new powers rising in the ‘Arab spring’ countries, and to adapt itself to change in Palestine accordingly.

Michael Walzer has forwarded an argument that defends an exemption from adherence to Jus in Bello when a state finds itself in a situation of "supreme emergency." The argument is morally problematic due to the fact that it defends the direct and intentional targeting of non-combatants, a restriction which has traditionally been considered as inviolable in the Just War tradition. This thesis seeks to demonstrate a further problem for Walzer's position, the fact that his argument is sufficiently broad that it may be co-opted by parties whom Walzer wishes to exclude, practitioners of contemporary terrorism. My method will be to demonstrate certain deficiencies in Walzer's argument, through analysis of the paradigm case he presents. I will then proceed to present two cases for the adoption of his "supreme emergency" defense by the terrorist organizations Al Qaeda and Hamas. I will show that both of these cases may ultimately fail under closer scrutiny, but will conclude that the ability for two such cases to be constructed demonstrates the ability for Walzer's defense to be adopted by an entity which does not suffer these same failings, ultimately dooming Walzer's argument.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:48:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Magno Paganelli de Souza.pdf: 1266790 bytes, checksum: 5e3bdb9e25e0d8a74131050854843001 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work will seek to investigate influences and trends in the interpretation of the Koran that had influenced the Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas, of its formation in 1986 until his election in 2006. As the movement called resistance is assumed to be the resistance actions of Israeli occupation. But the movement is also Islamic resistance, incorporating religious motivations and religious responses to political and social issues. Thus, we look for practical consequences of this resistance that have violent nature and are inspired by an interpretation of the Koran. The theoretical research will be supported in the work of René Girard, A Violência e o Sagrado core of mimetic theory, an explanation of violence in human behavior and violence in human culture. I understand that this framework raises important considerations for studies in the field of violence that takes into account the social organization that religion provides in certain cultures, such as the case of our research object. The methodology is a literature review of articles, essays and scientific articles produced by experts in Brazil and abroad, as well as works of thinkers of considerable importance within Islam. / Neste trabalho, procurarei investigar influências e tendências na interpretação do Corão sobre o Movimento de Resistência Islâmica, o Hamas, desde a sua formação, em 1986, até a sua eleição em 2006. Sendo o movimento denominado de resistência , pressupõe a resistência a ações de ocupação israelenses. Mas o movimento é também de resistência islâmica , incorporando motivações religiosas e respostas de cunho religioso a questões políticas e sociais. Assim, procuro desdobramentos práticos dessa resistência as quais tenham caráter violento e sejam inspirados por alguma interpretação do Corão. Como referencial teórico, a pesquisa será apoiada na obra de René Girard, A violência e o sagrado, núcleo da teoria mimética, uma explicação da violência no comportamento humano e da violência na cultura humana. Entendo que tal referencial faz importantes considerações para estudos no campo da violência sem deixar de observar a organização social que a religião provê em determinadas culturas, como é o caso do nosso objeto de pesquisa. A metodologia empregada é a revisão bibliográfica de obras, ensaios e artigos científicos, produzidos por especialistas, no Brasil e fora dele; além de obras de pensadores de considerável importância dentro do Islã.

Thesis advisor: Ali Banuazizi / This thesis is a comparative analysis of the varying approaches by which modern Islamist militancy movements attempt to justify their respective use of violent jihad within Islamic doctrine. This ultimate focus is contextualized by a broader study of the historical role of religion in the development of modern ethical standards for warfare. Justifications for horrific bloodshed and injustice in the Just War traditions of both Christianity and Islam have manifested themselves in the actual military campaigns of the Crusades and jihad respectively. These historical and modern examples demonstrate the precarious complexity of the dual role of religion to both restrict and require warfare in the cause of justice. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2010. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Society Honors Program. / Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Society.

Konflikten mellan Israel och Palestina har funnits närvarande sedan en lång tid tillbaka i vår historia, närmare bestämt från 1920-talet fram till idag. 1948 utropades den judiska staten Israel vilket utlöste en rad våldsamma konflikter med andra länder i Mellanösternregionen, det har också utlöst en antisemitism som fått fäste hos extremistgrupper. En sådan grupp är den islamitiska gruppen Hamas som bildades 1987 som ett resultat av de aktioner som Israel gjort kring Gaza och Västbanken, och har gjort väpnat motstånd emot Israel med sin underjordiska armé av islamister.  Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur antisemitismen framträder i gruppen Hamas stadgar, som är en form av politiskt och ideologiskt manifest, samt hur gruppen legitimerar sin antisemitism gentemot både judar som folkgrupp men också sin politik gentemot staten Israel. Källmaterialet som jag har valt att utgå ifrån är Hamas politiska och ideologiska manifest kallat Hamas stadgar som utkom 1988. Stadgarna innehåller Hamas ideologiska och politiska ståndpunkter. Genom att använda mig av både en innehållsanalys och diskursanalys i undersökandet och granskandet av Hamas stadgar hoppas jag kunna se hur och på vilket sätt antisemitismen framträder hos Hamas samt hur de legitimerar sin antisemitism mot judar och Israel. De resultat som har erhållits påvisar flera olika aspekter som först påvisar hur antisemitismen framträder i Hamas stadgar samt hur de sedan väljer att legitimera sin antisemitism gentemot judar och Israel utefter ett flertal anledningar och aspekter som kommer att delges i senare delar av uppsatsen.