<p>This is a qualitative research paper, which aims to examine how religion classes are conducted in inner-city and suburban schools. Interviews have been performed with two religion teachers, one at Grindtorp School in Alby and one at the English Gymnasium in Södermalm. There have been performed interviews with eight students, four from each school. The students have a different age, sex and religious beliefs. With these interviews we can get a better understanding how the students of today’s school think about the religious education. During the progress of the paper it became clear that the area in which students live had little impact on the way classes were conducted. What had a greater impact was the social class, which students belonged to. Students with parents with a higher education background displayed a will to move to the better schools to get a better education. Students with parents lacking higher education often chose to stay in the suburban schools where it is difficult to succeed as there are more noisy students than in the inner-city. We can also see that students how have parents with a higher education and go to better schools have a bigger respect for students with other religious beliefs.</p>

This is a qualitative research paper, which aims to examine how religion classes are conducted in inner-city and suburban schools. Interviews have been performed with two religion teachers, one at Grindtorp School in Alby and one at the English Gymnasium in Södermalm. There have been performed interviews with eight students, four from each school. The students have a different age, sex and religious beliefs. With these interviews we can get a better understanding how the students of today’s school think about the religious education. During the progress of the paper it became clear that the area in which students live had little impact on the way classes were conducted. What had a greater impact was the social class, which students belonged to. Students with parents with a higher education background displayed a will to move to the better schools to get a better education. Students with parents lacking higher education often chose to stay in the suburban schools where it is difficult to succeed as there are more noisy students than in the inner-city. We can also see that students how have parents with a higher education and go to better schools have a bigger respect for students with other religious beliefs.

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Since 2009 the Nigerian state has been under the throes of the deadly terrorist activities of the Islamic sect formally known as Jama’atuAhlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal-Jihad (Association for propagating the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad). The sect, popularly dubbed Boko Haram, meaning Western civilization/education is forbidden, claims to be on a mission to Islamize the Nigerian State. Prima facie Boko Haram’s motivations appear to be religious; however, considering factors such as the dismal socio-economic conditions that prevail in the northern region, the epicentre of the sect, a religious explanation alone is reductive. Accordingly, using the root cause theoretical framework and a qualitative method of data analysis, this study investigates the socio-economic determinants of the emergence and persistence of Boko Haram terrorism. The alarming socio-economic inequality and deprivation manifested in pervasive poverty across the nation, but particularly in the northern region is accentuated as one of the main factors that predispose the teeming disenchanted and jobless populace, particularly the youths in the region to take arms against the state. Fundamentally, Boko Harm terrorism pivots on the growing anti-state tendency in Nigeria, a state arguably losing its legitimacy as a result of her inability and failure to meet the political, social and economic needs of its populace. Among the reasons for this failure include pervasive corruption and maladministration largely entrenched by the monocultural nature of the oil centric national economy. Based on the interdisciplinary nature of this degree program – Politics, Philosophy and Economics – this study philosophically engages the concept of terrorism; situates the debates on the socio-economic determinants of terrorism within the particular context of the Nigerian political economy; contributes to the body of literature that seeks to provide an understanding of the Boko Haram phenomenon from the perspective of its socio-economic determinants; and suggests some relevant policies for addressing this particular crisis as well as those of other like-minded groups in the country. Given that the state’s militarised approach to the crisis has hardly been able to efficiently stall the sect’s terrorist activities, this study accents the need for a long term solution characterised by addressing the root causes, especially through the socio-economic development of the mostly affected northern region. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

The Boko Haram conflict in northern Nigeria has generated immense scholarly interest since it began in 2010. Much of this interest has centred on advancing counterinsurgency policy prescriptions. There are two dominant approaches in the generic counterinsurgency literature: enemy-centric counterinsurgency, which involves the use of brute force to eliminate insurgents and population-centric counterinsurgency, which entails the use of persuasive means to end an insurgency. The counterinsurgency scholarship on Boko Haram is dominated by scholars that advance the latter approach. These scholars argue that the Boko Haram insurgency is a result of the socio-economic challenges that beset northern Nigeria, hence the government should adopt a policy of dialogue with the group and implement socio-economic reforms. However, there is a disjuncture between this policy prescription and Boko Haram’s Salafi-driven objective of establishing an Islamic Caliphate. Thus, this thesis answers the following question: given the Salafi ideology of BH, can population-centric counterinsurgency be an effective state response? I explored this question based on the theories of Weinstein (2007) and Ugarriza & Craig (2013): the notion that the factors that influence the emergence of an insurgent group continues to shape the group’s attitudes, emotions and dispositions. In answering my question, I explored the history of Islamic fundamentalism in northern Nigeria in order to ascertain the outcome of the government’s accommodation of Islamist demands in the past. Using textual analysis, I also examined the speeches of Boko Haram’s leader, Abubakar Shekau, in order to identify the group’s specific objectives and understand its disposition to dialogue. Based on the historical exploration and analysis of Shekau’s speeches, I argued that whereas the implementation of socio-economic reforms can win over potential Boko Haram recruits, neither dialogue nor socio-economic reforms can convince the existing Boko Haram members and leaders to stop fighting. / Graduate

À l’instar des grandes transformations des relations internationales, les notions de la sécurité, d’insécurité et de frontière leurs étude ont été bouleversées par la multiplication des activités qualifiées de terroristes dans maints endroits du monde. Cette thèse se saisit de thème à la frontière entre le Niger et le Nigeria, victime ces dernières années d’une insécurité transfrontalière que lui impose notamment l’organisation Boko Haram qui agit à l’échelle transnationale en s’affranchissant des limites frontalières dans le bassin du Lac Tchad. Ainsi cette crise sécuritaire a fait l’objet d’une panoplie des réactions aussi bien nationales que bilatérales ou encore issues des organisations régionales et internationales. La gestion diversifiée de cet ébranlement met en lumière les contradictions qui animent les relations internationales et la complexité des ressorts d’une insécurité transfrontalière mouvante, mal connue et peu médiatisée. / Like the great transformations of international relations, the notions of security, insecurity and border have been deeply transformed, especially due to the advent of the phenomenon labelled as terrorism in many places of the world. This doctoral dissertation explores this situation at the border between Niger and Nigeria. The region has been subjected to cross-border insecurity imposed inter alia by the organization Boko Haram, which acts on a transnational scale without considering the state borders in the Lake Chad Basin region. Thus, this security crisis has been the subject of a number of reactions at national or bilateral levels or from regional and international organizations. The diversified management of this shock wave highlights the contradictions that animate international relations and the complexity in handling this transboundary insecurity that is shifting, poorly known and poorly publicized.

This thesis in Peace and Conflict addresses the development and impacts of the Islamic organisation Boko Haram in the context of frustration-aggression and complexity theories. It investigates the overall phenomenon of terrorism, reviews Boko Haram’s context within other terrorist organisations, and the impact that Boko Haram has had in the development of the humanitarian crisis in Nigeria. Local and regional response to threats by Boko Haram is considered, as well as Boko Haram’s recent pledge to the ISIL terrorist organisation. The Boko Haram (BH) Islamic fundamentalist emerged in Nigeria in 2002 with the idea of turning Nigeria into an Islamic country to be ruled by the Sharia law. Other reasons were hatred for the West and adverse domestic factors in the north-east where the group has been more prevalent. The domestic-based insurgent group established links with some international terrorist organizations (ITOs) such as Al-Qaeda, AQIM and Al-Shabaab and became more sophisticated in its attacks and tactics which made it to threaten the national security of Nigeria in the destruction of lives and properties. This paper seeks to argue the evolution Boko Haram arising from some domestic factors prevalent in the north-east of Nigeria; and then conclude with some measures to be in place to put an end to the criminality perpetuated by the group in the country with the ability to seriously threaten the security of the state and the society. Finally, suggestions for policy recommendations to the Nigerian government are made.

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts of International Relations in the Faculty of Humanities Department of International Relations, Johannesburg 2017 / The growing role of Private Military Companies (P.M.C) has led to a magnitude of security concerns internationally. Due to their past reputation, P.M.Cs have been demonised by the international community in the form of scholars as well as journalists, as their personnel have been misunderstood for mercenaries (De Nevers 2009). It is therefore important to clarify the difference between contractors and mercenaries. However due to the growth of different actors and security threats, Private Military Companies have emerged as an effective alternative solution in engaging non-traditional threats in the international arena, a role states have increasingly failed in. Private Military Companies have become more successful in applying counterinsurgency tactics due to their structural setup, skills and expertise as well as technological advancement and understanding of warfare. This has led to an increase in reliance from states including the United States, Angola, and more recently Nigeria. Through the examination of the Nigerian case study, the thesis paper aims to understand how the P.M.C (S.T.T.E.P) was able to apply its COIN tactics effectively in combating Boko Haram. It is important to examine the Nigerian case study as P.M.C success could possibly be used to combat the proliferation of terrorist manoeuvres such as Al-Shabaab. The Nigerian case is also important as it displays how S.T.T.E.P working together with the N.D.F could strengthen their COIN campaign against Boko Haram. / XL2018

The thesis examines the phenomenon of organised political violence in Nigeria exploring its root cause(s) and sustaining factor(s), using the extreme terrorist activities of the Boko Haram sect as a case study. The severe negative impact of this sect on the fabric of Nigerian society has led to a burgeoning scholarly literature investigating the sect and the phenomenon of organised political violence which, for the most part, concentrates on the gamut of political, economic and social ills that are held to drive violence in the country. The thesis contends that, whilst these variables are symptoms or outcomes of political violence, it is the tacit political culture adopted by Nigeria’s political elite that is the core cause of recurring periods of political violence and the groups that use violence. Elements of elite political culture such as zero sum politics, political elite manipulation of social cleavages and identity politics, themselves enabled by elite involvement in governance, leads to mis-governance by the elite in power and the concomitant emergence of social movements or groups to convey the grievances of sections of the country’s diverse population. These movements are, in turn, co-opted by individuals within the elite who use the movements’ muscle and influence to coerce the electorate, notably during election periods. This results in the social movements’ transformation into organised political violent groups. When the alliance with the movement ceases to benefit the elite and/or the level of violence becomes counter-productive, as was the case the northern political elite and Boko Haram, the elite reverses its rhetoric, recasting the movement, its creation, as the enemy.

Magister Legum - LLM / Armed conflict impacts negatively on the child's right to education as the targeted attacks on schools, school children, teachers and school facilities can cause a drop in school enrolment and attendance as well as longer term effects on the standard of education provided. This study assesses the impact of armed conflict on the child's right to basic education in the context of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria. Also, considering that the child's right to education protected in international and regional human rights instruments is not suspended during armed conflict, the study also assesses how well the Nigerian government in line with its international and regional human rights obligations has responded to the educational needs of children affected by the Boko Haram insurgency.