Syftet med denna uppsats var att undersöka hur musiklärare resonerar kring islam och musik i den svenska grundskolan. Forskningsfrågorna är kopplade till hur olika synsätt på musik inom islam visar sig för grundskolans musiklärare, vilka konsekvenser det kan få samt förhållande till läroplanen. Undersökningen genomfördes metodiskt genom kvalitativa intervjuer med fem musiklärare och analyserades diskursanalytiskt med en religionsvetenskaplig och socialkonstruktionistisk ansats. I bakgrunden får läsaren till denna uppsats en fördjupad kunskap om musikbegreppets komplexitet utifrån en historisk genomgång av olika islamiska synsätt på musik, kopplat till begreppen halal (tillåtet) och haram (förbjudet). I litteratur- och forskningsgenomgången kontextualiseras de olika synsätten till musikundervisning och sammanfogas med islamofobi och läroplansteorier, vilka ligger till grund för läsarens förståelse av slutdiskussionens resonemang. Studiens resultat påvisar att svenska musiklärare möter elever och föräldrar som anser att moment i musikundervisningen kan passera en normativ gräns utifrån islams seder. Under arbetets gång framkom också exempel från kristendomen vilket lyfte frågan ifall företeelsen snarare borde betraktas som religiös fundamentalism än något islamiskt. Resultatet visar också hur musiklärare anpassar sin undervisning med hänsyn till religiösa normer samt att läroplanen kan användas som utgångspunkt i samtal om värdegrund och musikens giltighet i undervisningen. Slutligen framträder även en ”frälsardiskurs”, vilket innebär att musiklärarna betraktar sin egen arbetsinsats som integrationsfrämjande.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Transboundary river basins (TRBs), and its array of biodiversity, have created a web of complex security, socio-economic and political interdependencies among populations, communities and multiplicity of actors across the world. However, the continuous degradation of these vital resources, resulting from natural and anthropogenic factors, has serious implications for global development, peace and security. Indeed, it further threatens regional resource base, induce livelihoods impairment, scarcities and conflicts over the utilisation and control of strategic resources, particularly in the Global South. The study explored the causeeffect analysis of the desiccation of Lake Chad basin and the dreadful Boko Haram crisis within the prisms of human security and regional development. It reflects on the interconnections among environmental change, human development, livelihoods, conflicts and the outcomes of interventions - military and humanitarian in reconstructing human security and regional development narratives in the Lake Chad Basin. The research was contextualised within two theoretical frameworks: eco-violence, and the capability approach. This was conceived to provide an improved understanding of both the micro (individual or group interactions) and macro (large scale - national and multinational actors) development processes, the enablers and constraints of human security in the region. Their implications for regional development, security, sustainability and stabilisation process are also elucidated. Mixed-method research and a case study design was adopted to specifically study the Lake Chad impact area, covering 542,829 km2, across the four riparian countries - Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria. Although, the conventional or active basin of the lake - an estimated 984,455 km2 area was generally referenced. Purposive sampling was used to select participants for semi-structured interviews, focused group discussions (FGD) and document review. A total of 34 key informants, six (6) FGDs and 33 institutional documents (18 intervention and policy documents and 15 official bulletins) were utilised. These enable the substantiation of primary data with secondary data – qualitative and quantitative (derived from documents review). A thematic analysis of the causality of resource scarcities, livelihoods, and conflict relationships in the region was undertaken. This includes an assessment of the regional development process and the efficacies of security and humanitarian interventions in the Lake Chad Basin.The study revealed that the desiccation of Lake Chad and the destructive Boko Haram crisis (since 2009) impede development in the region. The lake’s shrinkage (estimated above 90percent from 1963 till date), caused by environmental change and unsustainable human practices or exploitation of the basin’s resources, have transboundary effects. These and the humanitarian catastrophes caused by Boko Haram menace have heightened human insecurity, and threaten communities’ fragility and transborder cooperation in the region. While regional development processes and intervention have marginal impacts on the population and their resilience capacities. Indeed, the complexity of the challenges overlaps with inconsistencies in the region’s development processes and the interventions regime – security and humanitarian management. Thus, addressing the consequences, while neglecting the root causes of human security threats in the Lake Chad Basin, further heightens the population’s deprivations amidst challenges of resource curse, geopolitics and its alteration of regional political economy. The above underscores the dialectics between human security and regional development. From these submissions, improved water resources and environmental management; inclusive development - to address the root causes of insecurity; monitoring and harnessing of national and regional development priorities; and integrated regional security-development strategy, against the military-led humanitarian approach, are recommended as critical solutions. These enhance a rethinking of human security and regional development matrix in the Lake Chad and other TRBs in the Global South. Therefore, the study highlighted the imperative of mediating exhaustive discourse on TRBs as Special Economic Zones (SEZ); constructive interactions between development processes and actors (stakeholders); the use of groundwater as a palliative; and the intrinsic mobility, multiactivity and multi-functionality of livelihoods in the Lake Chad Basin. These can be pondered in (future research and policy) discourses to enhance regional resilience, human security and sustainable development in the Lake Chad Basin.

Masters of Art / Intervention is a controversial issue in international relations. In recent years, the issue of intervention has been further complicated by the attention given to terrorism following the 9/11 attacks on the United States (US) by the terrorist group under the name of Al Qaeda. In 2005, the United Nations (UN) member states adopted the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle that was coined by the Canadian government to give intervention a multilateral dimension. The R2P principle was established to protect civilians from four atrocity crimes, namely genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. R2P gives the international community authority to intervene in situations where states are failing to protect their citizens from the aforementioned atrocity crimes.

Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) In the Department of Development Studies, Faculty of Arts at the University of Zululand, 2019. / This study critically explores, in comparative terms, the socio-economic dimension (drivers and effects) of Niger Delta Militancy and Boko Haram insurgency, within the ongoing debate on the nexus between security and development. Using the mix of Root Cause and Rational Choice theories (2RCs), the study through qualitative methods, demonstrates the relative implication of socio-economic causes and effects of both insurgencies, based on evidence from interviews, available video documentaries and literatures. Acknowledging the weak, however irrefutable, connection between security and development, the study underscores that the social and economic dimension of both insurgencies must be factored into a long-term recovery plan, despite the seeming religious façade of Boko Haram. The study demonstrates that while poverty, for instance, is necessary but insufficient in explaining conflict, its persistence amidst affluence and economic growth suggest that it significantly determines the hopelessness, angst and lack of trust in the system that often nudges some citizens to seek alternative means of redress. Such means may be ethnonationalism or religion as suggestive of the Niger Delta militancy or Boko Haram insurgency respectively. In addition, both insecurities have been hijacked by certain individuals for self-benefiting ends. This hijack is somewhat driven by personal rational calculus and oiled by the pan-Nigeria “socio-economic neediness” among the masses. In this regard, while the masterminds manipulate this ‘socio-economic neediness’, the lower ranks (of these insurgencies) derive immediate economic or political benefits from participation through criminality. Meanwhile, the study found that socio-economic causes are more easily identifiable in the Niger Delta insurgencies as compared to Boko Haram’s, especially from the standpoint of legitimate grievances. For the Boko Haram insurgency, the socio-economic underdevelopment in the northern region are ideologically manipulated to mobilise wide support for the insurgency through monetary inducement, leveraging on the vulnerability of the populace. This is especially compounded by the lower level of education among it ranks of foot soldiers and general level of human underdevelopment across the region. The implication of Nigeria’s mono-cultural economy for the country’s development trajectory and the current instabilities are explored to illuminate what, why, and how the resultant socio-economic underdevelopment could be related to both insurgencies. Accordingly, the popular criticism of the socio-economic dimension that often allude to the relatively higher level of vii poverty in other parts of the north compared to Borno is critically revisited. This is done by demonstrating that Boko Haram is hardly a Borno or North-east phenomenon exclusively. Indeed, the historical and ideological resonance of Islamic extremism of Boko Haram, across the entire northern region, strongly reinforces this view. The study further demonstrates how the protracted insurgencies, among other agitations in the country continue to inhibit Nigeria’s overall development, creating an endless circle of conflict. Hence, in contributing to the attainment of a durable and sustainable resolution, this study advocates that adequate and improved redress of the socio-economic dimension, among the other notable undeniable dimensions must take place. In this regard, the study critically engages the mix of defence, diplomacy and development (the 3D) as used in other conflict regions in the world, to decipher possible ways forward. Minding context dependence of such policy frameworks and the difficulty with transferability however, the study ultimately seeks only to draw adaptable lessons, especially its accents on inter-agency cooperation (human and material resource) in comparable insurgencies. Herein lies the security-development nexus in Nigeria, given the deepening human insecurity and underdevelopment spawned by both insurgencies

While the media are known as information and entertainment source, some scholars (e.g. Galtung, 2002; Lynch, 2014) have also proposed peace advocacy as one of the concerns of journalism. This study provides an insightful account of a complex conflict- the Boko Haram conflict, in northern Nigeria. Boko Haram is an Islamic fundamentalist group that operates out of north-eastern Nigeria. With the Boko Haram conflict as the focus of analysis, this study examines conflict reporting strategies against the backdrop of the peace and war journalism model proposed by a Norwegian scholar, Johan Galtung. Galtung looked at the dichotomy in conflict coverage and views war and peace journalism as two varying frames in the coverage of conflicts. The study also examines national versus international media practices in the coverage of an intra-national conflict. Through content analysis this study concentrates on the coverage of the Boko Haram crisis in Nigeria over a 16- month period by two Nigerian national dailies, Vanguard and Punch, and two United States’ dailies, New York Times and Washington Post, from February 1st 2014 to May 29th 2015. It considers the extent to which the newspapers covered the crisis based on war and peace frames as well as the dynamic nature of the coverage. Furthermore, this study also investigates whether the newspapers showed exclusivity in coverage towards war journalism or towards peace journalism or a combination of both. Within the period considered for this study, Boko Haram kidnapped about 300 girls from the Chibok High School, of whose fate uncertainty still prevailed as at the time of writing this dissertation. The study found that the Boko Haram crisis was represented in the newspapers examined as a thematic issue. However, the newspapers did not provide sufficient contextual and background information about the crisis. The media did not play active roles towards conflict management, as advocated by Galtung, and were involved in partisan reporting of incidents in the crisis. This study therefore makes a significant contribution to the debate about objectivity in news reporting and the role of the media for societal good.

The Internet is an instrument that has revolutionized the world and the society since its introduction. Today, over 4 billion people around the world have access to it. While this technology comes with several positive innovations, it can also be used negatively by terrorist organizations to more efficiently spread propaganda messages. More so, the development of social media has fostered new methods of recruitment that allows to reach a broader audience anonymously and outside of the geographical area of operation of a terrorist organization. The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between social media development and changes in terrorist recruitment strategies, discuss the main social media used for terrorist recruitment, and identify major targeted demographics. Further, the research seeks to analyze through case study examination whether the use of social media by terrorist organizations result in more effective recruitment. This is accomplished by comparing recruiting success of ISIS, which heavily relies on social media, with Boko Haram, which does not. After comparing data available on recruits based on their geographical location, gender and age, and economic status, this study finds that there is not a significant diversity between individuals recruited through social media or those recruited through a different method. This study finds that a significant difference only exists when recruiting individuals with different economic opportunities. While fighters from ISIS are recruited from any class of the society, including those with higher income and are more educated, Boko Haram tends to be more successful among individuals who experience economic hurdles.

L'un des défis sécuritaires majeurs auxquels le Nigéria a dû faire face au cours de la dernière décennie a été l'insurrection de Boko Haram dans le nord du pays. L'attention portée par de nombreux chercheurs aux récits relatifs à l'insurrection dans le nord-est, en particulier le Borno, doit son impulsion intellectuelle au climat de violence dont cette zone a été le théâtre. Cette focalisation excessive, aussi valide soit-elle, relègue quelque peu au second rang les recherches pouvant porter sur d'autres zones septentrionales, où les facteurs de risques de l'insurrection sont similaires à ceux du nord-est. Dans le cas particulier de l'État de Sokoto au nord-ouest, la capacité à endiguer la montée des violences perpétrées par Boko Haram s'organise autour du récit d'une synergie sociétale entre différentes communautés. Bien qu'existant en milieu contemporain, cette synergie tire son inspiration de l'héritage historique unique du Sokoto et de son djihad au XIXe siècle, autour duquel certaines communautés se sont tissées. L'étude entière a essayé de permettre une meilleure compréhension des liens entre les récits djihadistes, l'insurrection, les acteurs sociaux locaux, la puissance de l'histoire et l'expérience de la résilience et de la résistance contre l'une des plus célèbres insurrections africaines des dernières décennies. / Over the last decade, a predominant feature of counter-insurgency scholarship in Africa has been the articulation of ideas based on troubling accounts in the north-east zone of Nigeria. The multiple enquiries by scholars owe their intellectual momentum to the sheer level of violence instigated by a group known as "Boko Haram". Few studies focus on the (counter-) insurgency narratives linked to states in other northern Nigerian zones where the Boko Haram crisis reached and where there are indeed risk factors for insurgency. Using the case of Sokoto, a state in Nigeria's north-west zone, this study addresses the principal question of what intervening variables have deterred a fuller expression of the Boko Haram crisis in Sokoto's societal context. In the particular case of Sokoto, the capacity to deter the escalation of Boko Haram's violence is framed around the narrative of a synergy among societal structures, which although located in the contemporary milieu, draw inspiration from Sokoto's unique historical legacy of the 19th century jihad. This study opens up understanding to the linkages between jihad narratives, insurgency, local societal actors, the potency of history and the experience of resistance against one of the world's most notorious insurgencies in recent decades.

Cette thèse cherche à mieux comprendre le rôle de la dimension visuelle dans les conflits contemporains en produisant des données empiriques sur les images, leur production, leur circulation et leurs réceptions dans deux cas d’études. Ces deux cas sont les confit urbain autour du trafic de drogue et du Primeiro Comando da Capital à Sao Paulo, et celui de l’insurrection de Boko Haram au Nigéria, Tchad et Cameroun. Cette approche montre que les conflits sont l’objet de controverses sur leurs définitions. Les acteurs de ces conflits tentent tous d’imposer des cadrages (framing) et interprétations de la situation en se servant des images. Quand les acteurs ne produisent pas d’images, ils sont forcés de proposer des interprétations de ces images. Pour montrer le rôle des images dans les controverses des deux conflits étudiés, deux concepts ont été élaborés. Le premier est celui de régime d’images qui correspond à des modes de fonctionnement de ces images permettant d'expliquer leur pouvoir sur les controverses. Ce concept est appliqué aux deux cas pour montrer les dynamiques visuelles propres à chaque conflit. Dans le cas de Boko Haram, nous identifions deux régimes, dont l’un a internationalisé le conflit. A Sao Paulo, les régimes d’images identifiés construisent les positions au sein de la controverse sur la violence. La thèse fait aussi l’hypothèse d’un capital esthétique des groupes armés qui pourrait être converti en capital militaire. Nous validons cette hypothèse en montrant le rôle de ce capital pour Boko Haram et le PCC. Les deux groupes s’efforcent de reprendre les codes visuels de l’Etat islamique pour manifester leur antagonisme politique. / This thesis aims at understanding the visual dimension of contemporary armed conflicts. To do so it presents empirical datas on the pictures, their production, circulation and reception during two armed conflicts. The first case is the urban conflict around drug trafficking and the Primeiro Comando da Capital in Sao Paulo. The second one is the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria, Chad and Cameroon. This approach shows that contemporary conflicts are entangled in controversies about their meaning and definition. The actors of theses conflicts try to impose their own framing and their interpretation of the conflict using pictures. When the actors do not produce images, they are forced to advance some interpretations of the pictures. To identify the role of images in controversies relating to armed conflicts the thesis develops two concepts. The first one is the « regime d’images ». It underlines the modes of functionment of these images and makes it possible to explain their power over the controversies. This concept is used to show the different dynamics in the two cases. Regarding the Boko Haram insurgency, one of the « regime d’image » contributed to the internationalization of the conflict. In Sao Paulo the regimes of images reinforce the different positions of the actors in the controversy. The thesis also develops the idea of aesthetic capital of armed groups. This aesthetic capital can be transformed into military capital. We validate this hypothesis showing how this capital worked for the PCC and Boko Haram. The two groups are forced to adopt the visual codes and the aesthetic of the Islamic State to manifest their political antagonism.

In this essay, two of the most lethal terrorist organizations in the world, al-Qaeda and Boko Haram are being examined and compared based on psychological, political, economical and religious theories. The essay was written with the aim to find out about cause, objectives as well as course of action within al-Qaeda and Boko Haram. One has found out that the cause of al-Qaeda is mainly based on religious and political indicators, while Boko Haram is primary caused by economical and political factors. The objectives for both of the cases are religious, but for Boko Haram, political as well. Both of the organizations use psychological factors as a way to go through with their course of action, but in the case of Boko Haram, the economical indicators are very convincing as well.

Nigeria has seen an upsurge in violent conflicts leading to insurgency and terrorism since it returned to civilian government in 1999, following sixteen years of military rule. The Niger Delta and Boko Haram insurgencies stand out among conflict groups in Nigeria as they have produced global consequences, hence provoking domestic and international counter-insurgency efforts. Military responses remain primary, but development responses are being increasingly employed. Addressing issues of poverty, exclusion, injustice and underdevelopment is considered to be more fundamental to solving contemporary conflicts. In this sense, development and security are linked, and human, rather than state security is seen to be prioritised. However, the nexus between development and security is fraught with contradictions and the notion of human security is vague. Development intervention appears to be securitized such that it becomes a tool for protecting the strategic interests of external interveners and a tool of control by domestic interveners. Therefore, this thesis explores the prospect of a human rights approach to development as a means of mediating the tension between development and security. It attempts to intellectually consider the triad among the three concepts in relation to the Niger Delta and Boko Haram conflicts. The study explores how the internal and external development interventions towards the Niger Delta and Boko Haram conflicts have been developed and the issues that have arisen concerning their effectiveness. The exploratory study uses a triangulation method that includes interviews, focus group, documentary analysis and observation. The thesis finds evidence of a paradigmatic shift towards a rights based approach to development in the internal and external interventions, but one that still yields to securitization and corruption and adversely affects sustainable development. Nonetheless, responses to the Niger Delta and Boko Haram conflicts produce ramifications that justify general as well as specifically targeted responses to individual conflicts. More so, the study shows that the relationship between Nigeria and its external development partners seem to be less vertical.