Thesis (M.A.)--University of Delaware, 2008. / Principal faculty advisor: Pauline K. Eversmann, Winterthur Program in Early American Culture. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1983. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 289-297).

This thesis seeks to relate the hitherto untold history of the Ontario Historical Society from its earliest precursors in the mid-nineteenth century to the present time. Since 1888, the OHS has been a considerable educational institution and cultural force endeavouring to develop an awareness of, and interest in, local and provincial history. Its credentials have been established by its programmes to record, interpret, publicize, and preserve Ontario's heritage, and by its efforts to co-ordinate and encourage the work of local historical associations and museums. The initial chapters provide an analysis of the nature, intent, personnel, philosophy, and accomplishments of the two lineal ancestors of the OHS -- the Historical Society of Upper Canada {est. 1861) and the United Canadian Association (est. 1872) as well as the dozen local historical groups that banded together after 1888 to create the OHS. The major emphasis of the remainder of the thesis is to illustrate how the OHS has established itself as an educational and cultural force. Its valuable role in historic preservation, a subject largely ignored by historians, is dwelt upon in detail. Another chapter provides valuable historiographical perspectives for the society's collection of publications, the largest and perhaps most important single body of material in print pertaining to the history of Ontario. The efforts of the OHS members to further the study of history in the schools and universities, to establish adequate archival and museum facilities in the province, and to assist the local historical groups, all of these are examined in each stage of the OHS's existence. So too are the motives, the philosophy, and the composition of the membership. Another major theme of this essay is that of ambition denied. For many reasons which are dealt with at length, the OHS has not been able to accomplish all of its declared objectives or to reach its full potential at any given time. Success and failure, accomplishment and frustration, go band in hand throughout its history. This work also provides valuable insights into some of the current enthusiasms of Ontarians since 1861. Nationalism and imperialism, anti-Americanists and anti-materialism, feminism and nativism, the social reform urge and the problem of assimilating new Canadians, these concerns and others are reflected in the history of the Ontario Historical Society. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Thesis (M.A.)--Bowling Green State University, 2006. / Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 174 p. Includes bibliographical references.

This project is a study in doing the same thing again and again and again. It experiments with a purposefully reductive design strategy limited to the repetition of a single idea. Taking cues from other disciplines, it uses this incessant repetition to introduce a new affect to architecture based upon the experience of self-similar spaces in an uninterrupted and seemingly endless sequence. Finally, it reimagines the typology of the large history museum, proposing an open-ended series of moments of historical totality as an alternative to the cumulative or narrative unfolding of content. This thesis project is at once a primitive formal game and a spatially complex reinvention of a venerable American institution. It is an architectural contraption that reorders a universe of artifacts.

This project is a study in doing the same thing again and again and again. It experiments with a purposefully reductive design strategy limited to the repetition of a single idea. Taking cues from other disciplines, it uses this incessant repetition to introduce a new affect to architecture based upon the experience of self-similar spaces in an uninterrupted and seemingly endless sequence. Finally, it reimagines the typology of the large history museum, proposing an open-ended series of moments of historical totality as an alternative to the cumulative or narrative unfolding of content. This thesis project is at once a primitive formal game and a spatially complex reinvention of a venerable American institution. It is an architectural contraption that reorders a universe of artifacts.

The residents of Henry County, through the evolving practices of collecting and preserving local history, organized and developed a sustainable local historical society. The 1902 dedication ceremony, which signaled the beginning of the “museum” chapter of the HCHS, was only one of many steps in the institutionalization of local history in Henry County. The foundation of a sustainable local historical society is constructed upon permanent quarters and a historical collection. Additional requisite building blocks include wide public support, adequate and consistent funding, and a paid individual to facilitate and manage the museum, its collections, and various other day-to-day operations and activities. In Henry County, this blueprint for sustainability was greatly facilitated by the county’s territorial beginnings and its cultural development before the Civil War, as well as the county’s old settlers’ society movement and local history writing during the latter half of the nineteenth century. With this said, historical societies were “not created in a vacuum” but rather amid a complex historical framework encompassing local, regional, and national contexts. For Henry County, this framework consisted of many varied but constituent parts. The American Centennial in 1876, industrialization, Quakerism, the popularity of Civil War history and commemoration in Indiana that peaked around 1900, and a state historical movement and the simultaneous development of other historical organizations following the Indiana Centennial in 1916 were also instrumental in the county’s evolving dedication to preserving local history and the organization’s course toward sustainability.

Built in 1819 by the U.S. government, Fort Snelling sits at the confluence of the Minnesota and Mississippi Rivers. This place is called a “bdote” by the Dakota people. Oral traditions describe bdote as the site of Dakota creation. Treaties in the nineteenth century allowed the U.S. government to dispossess the Dakota of this land. Fort Snelling is connected to many important points in U.S. history. It operated as a military post until the mid-twentieth century, and was a training or processing site for U.S. servicepersons who fought in the Civil War, U.S. Indian removal campaigns, and World War Two, among others. Dred Scott lived as a slave at Fort Snelling. Following the U.S.-Dakota War of 1862, about 1,600 Dakota people were forcibly concentrated below Fort Snelling, where nearly 300 died. Shortly after, the U.S. government banished the Dakota from Minnesota. Today, Fort Snelling exists as “Historic Fort Snelling.” Run by the Minnesota Historical Society (MHS), the site offers a living history program which interprets Fort Snelling “as it was” in the 1820s—before much of these events of import occurred. This portrayal is geared toward schoolchildren and white Minnesotans, and focuses on the premise of peaceful U.S. settlement in the American West. This study describes Fort Snelling’s history, and address peoples’—both Dakota and other Minnesotans’—objections to the circumscribed interpretation of history at Historic Fort Snelling. By better revealing the memory alive at this site, most specifically the popularly ignored Dakota memories of Fort Snelling and bdote, this study hopes to convey what scholar Avery F. Gordon would term the “hauntings” present but unacknowledged at Historic Fort Snelling. This study concludes that in order to express the density of memory at Fort Snelling, MHS and Historic Fort Snelling must acknowledge that the Dakota people and their stories are crucial to its history. Further, these institutions must recognize that oppressive structures like U.S. colonialism allowed for Fort Snelling’s creation and operation. These structures and the hauntings they produce are still alive on this land, and onsite historical interpretation at Historic Fort Snelling must transform to reflect these living memories. / text

abstract: Twentieth century California Indians have received muted attention from scholars. The sheer size and diversity of California Indians can be overwhelming. Geographically, California is the third largest state and home to one hundred and ten federally recognized tribes. California Indians created alliances across the state among diverse tribal groups. Indian advocacy and activism of the twentieth century has been a limited discussion focused on four major events: Alcatraz occupation of 1969; Trail of Broken Treaties and subsequent occupation of the Bureau of Indian Affairs building of 1972; Wounded Knee of 1973; and the "Longest Walk" in 1978. These four major developments should not be ignored. However, the discussion should be broader and include diverse forms of advocacy and activism. In 1964 Rupert Costo, Cahuilla, his wife Jeannette Henry-Costo, Eastern Cherokee, and thirteen Indians from diverse tribes, largely from California, founded the American Indian Historical Society (AIHS). Costo served as president of the organization until its dissolution in 1986. The San Francisco based group sought to improve education, communication, and cultural development among Indians. Members of this activist organization challenged textbooks, testified at congressional hearings, created an Indian controlled publishing house, coordinated community meetings, and lobbied for protection of burial grounds. It also circulated, Wassaja, one of the first national Indian newspapers with original content. Through its publications, the AIHS sought to inform and promote mutual understanding between Indians and non-Indians. The AIHS' philosophy centered on the belief that Indians could, through their own initiative and innovation, lead the fight in Indian affairs. Through the years, the AIHS supported Indian issues and efforts of individual tribes to preserve their rights. Thus, the AIHS defended tribal self-determination and rejected pan-indianism. The federal government policy of relocation encouraged non-California Indians to move into California. Relocation caused friction as the focus by many in the mainstream media turned its attention to relocated Indians which increasingly rendered California Indians invisible. However, with conscientious effort the AIHS worked towards informing and educating Indians and non-Indians. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. History 2013

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