O objeto desta dissertação é o discurso político do presidente venezuelano Hugo Chávez, no que tange à constante referência à vida e obra de Simón Bolívar. Chávez, um dos fundadores, nos anos de 1980, do Movimento Revolucionário Bolivariano-200, é eleito presidente da República em 1998 apresentando Bolívar como a fonte de seu projeto político. Um ano depois, é aprovada, via referendo, uma nova Constituição para o país, elaborada por uma Assembleia Nacional Constituinte prometida por Chávez durante a campanha. A nova Constituição muda o nome do país para República Bolivariana da Venezuela e declara, em seu artigo primeiro, que a Venezuela fundamenta seus valores e objetivos na obra de Simón Bolívar. Esta dissertação se debruça sobre os discursos de Hugo Chávez pronunciados no ano de 1999, primeiro ano seu na presidência e também ano da elaboração e promulgação da Constituição, para investigar as relações entre um projeto político de fins do século XX e o projeto intentado por Bolívar na Revolução de Independência. O que faz Bolívar, herói do século XIX, ser aceito como o fundamento de um projeto elaborado 200 anos após a Emancipação? Qual a relação que a sociedade venezuelana constrói com o passado? Como e por que esse bolivarianismo de fins do século XX se projeta para outros países da América Latina? Para responder a essas perguntas recorremos primeiro ao pensamento do próprio Bolívar, analisado a partir do contexto em que foi formulado: as guerras pela emancipação e a busca pela consolidação de novas estruturas políticas na América independente. Para Bolívar, a resposta que enfeixa todas as demais questões que então se colocaram foi unir as repúblicas independentes, projeto intentado com o Congresso do Panamá, em 1826. Sem consequências práticas na época, essa ideia de unidade continental tornou-se presente no pensamento político latino-americano. Como nossa pesquisa pretende demonstrar, Hugo Chávez é mais um dentre os muitos que recorreram a Bolívar para explicar os problemas do presente e embasar um projeto político. Portanto, concluímos que existe um Bolívar e um pensamento bolivariano descrito por Chávez, assim como existem outros Bolívares que podem levar a visões diferentes e mesmo opostas. Apresentamos a visão da oposição a Chávez, bem como a de seus apoiadores, demonstrando a complexidade do problema. Por fim, a dissertação indaga como e por que a revolução do passado pode ser feita presente na política e no imaginário popular. O conceito de culto a Bolívar, formulado por Germán Carrera Damas, e a obra de Leopoldo Zea orientaram as formulações de hipóteses para as questões propostas. / The subject of the presente dissertation is the Venezuelan President Hugo Chávezs political speeches, in what relates to their constant reference to the life and works of Simón Bolívar. Chávez, one of the founders of the Bolivarian Revolutionary Movement in the 1980s, was elected President of the Republic in 1998 pointing out Bolívar as the source of his political project. One year later a new Constitution, elaborated by a National Constituent Assembly promised by Chávez during his campaign, is approved by referendum for the country. The new Constitution changes the countrys name to Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and declares, in its first article that Venezuela fundaments its values and objectives in Simón Bolívars work. The present dissertation analyses Hugo Chávezs speeches pronounced in 1999, his first year as President which is also the year in which the Constitution was elaborated and promulgated, in order to investigate the relationship between a political project conceived in the end of the 20th century and the project intended by Bolívar in the Independence Revolution. What makes Bolívar, a 19th century hero, be accepted as basis for a project which was elaborated 200 years after the Emancipation? What kind of relationship does the Venezuelan society build with the past? How and why this end of the 20th century Bolivarianism projects itself towards other Latin American countries? In order to answer the former questions we have evoked first Bolívars own thought, analyzing it in the context it was first formulated: the emancipation wars and the search for the new political structures consolidation in the independent Latin America. For Bolívar, the answer to all of the questions asked then was to unite the independent republics, a project intended by the Panamas Congress in 1826. Though it produced no further consequences at that time, the idea of continental unity became present in the Latin American political thought. As our research intends to demonstrate, Hugo Chávez is one among many that have resorted to Bolívar in order to explain present problems and base their political projects. Therefore, we have concluded that there is a Bolívar and a Bolivarian thought described by Chávez, as there are other Bolívars that may lead to different and even to opposite views. We present Chávez oppositions view, as well as his supporters, demonstrating the problems complexity. Last but not least, the dissertation questions how and why the past revolution may be present in politics and in peoples imaginary. The concept of cult to Bolívar, formulated by Germán Carrera Damas and the work of Leopoldo Zea have oriented the hypothesis formulation for the proposed questions.

O objeto desta dissertação é o discurso político do presidente venezuelano Hugo Chávez, no que tange à constante referência à vida e obra de Simón Bolívar. Chávez, um dos fundadores, nos anos de 1980, do Movimento Revolucionário Bolivariano-200, é eleito presidente da República em 1998 apresentando Bolívar como a fonte de seu projeto político. Um ano depois, é aprovada, via referendo, uma nova Constituição para o país, elaborada por uma Assembleia Nacional Constituinte prometida por Chávez durante a campanha. A nova Constituição muda o nome do país para República Bolivariana da Venezuela e declara, em seu artigo primeiro, que a Venezuela fundamenta seus valores e objetivos na obra de Simón Bolívar. Esta dissertação se debruça sobre os discursos de Hugo Chávez pronunciados no ano de 1999, primeiro ano seu na presidência e também ano da elaboração e promulgação da Constituição, para investigar as relações entre um projeto político de fins do século XX e o projeto intentado por Bolívar na Revolução de Independência. O que faz Bolívar, herói do século XIX, ser aceito como o fundamento de um projeto elaborado 200 anos após a Emancipação? Qual a relação que a sociedade venezuelana constrói com o passado? Como e por que esse bolivarianismo de fins do século XX se projeta para outros países da América Latina? Para responder a essas perguntas recorremos primeiro ao pensamento do próprio Bolívar, analisado a partir do contexto em que foi formulado: as guerras pela emancipação e a busca pela consolidação de novas estruturas políticas na América independente. Para Bolívar, a resposta que enfeixa todas as demais questões que então se colocaram foi unir as repúblicas independentes, projeto intentado com o Congresso do Panamá, em 1826. Sem consequências práticas na época, essa ideia de unidade continental tornou-se presente no pensamento político latino-americano. Como nossa pesquisa pretende demonstrar, Hugo Chávez é mais um dentre os muitos que recorreram a Bolívar para explicar os problemas do presente e embasar um projeto político. Portanto, concluímos que existe um Bolívar e um pensamento bolivariano descrito por Chávez, assim como existem outros Bolívares que podem levar a visões diferentes e mesmo opostas. Apresentamos a visão da oposição a Chávez, bem como a de seus apoiadores, demonstrando a complexidade do problema. Por fim, a dissertação indaga como e por que a revolução do passado pode ser feita presente na política e no imaginário popular. O conceito de culto a Bolívar, formulado por Germán Carrera Damas, e a obra de Leopoldo Zea orientaram as formulações de hipóteses para as questões propostas. / The subject of the presente dissertation is the Venezuelan President Hugo Chávezs political speeches, in what relates to their constant reference to the life and works of Simón Bolívar. Chávez, one of the founders of the Bolivarian Revolutionary Movement in the 1980s, was elected President of the Republic in 1998 pointing out Bolívar as the source of his political project. One year later a new Constitution, elaborated by a National Constituent Assembly promised by Chávez during his campaign, is approved by referendum for the country. The new Constitution changes the countrys name to Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and declares, in its first article that Venezuela fundaments its values and objectives in Simón Bolívars work. The present dissertation analyses Hugo Chávezs speeches pronounced in 1999, his first year as President which is also the year in which the Constitution was elaborated and promulgated, in order to investigate the relationship between a political project conceived in the end of the 20th century and the project intended by Bolívar in the Independence Revolution. What makes Bolívar, a 19th century hero, be accepted as basis for a project which was elaborated 200 years after the Emancipation? What kind of relationship does the Venezuelan society build with the past? How and why this end of the 20th century Bolivarianism projects itself towards other Latin American countries? In order to answer the former questions we have evoked first Bolívars own thought, analyzing it in the context it was first formulated: the emancipation wars and the search for the new political structures consolidation in the independent Latin America. For Bolívar, the answer to all of the questions asked then was to unite the independent republics, a project intended by the Panamas Congress in 1826. Though it produced no further consequences at that time, the idea of continental unity became present in the Latin American political thought. As our research intends to demonstrate, Hugo Chávez is one among many that have resorted to Bolívar in order to explain present problems and base their political projects. Therefore, we have concluded that there is a Bolívar and a Bolivarian thought described by Chávez, as there are other Bolívars that may lead to different and even to opposite views. We present Chávez oppositions view, as well as his supporters, demonstrating the problems complexity. Last but not least, the dissertation questions how and why the past revolution may be present in politics and in peoples imaginary. The concept of cult to Bolívar, formulated by Germán Carrera Damas and the work of Leopoldo Zea have oriented the hypothesis formulation for the proposed questions.

O objetivo desta Tese é analisar como Sergio Buarque de Holanda e Samuel Ramos Magaña trabalharam a ideia de \"revolução\", e entenderam as possibilidades de uma revolução, respectivamente, no Brasil e no México, no início do século XX. Consideram-se, para tanto, os ensaios mais célebres desses dois autores: Raízes do Brasil e El perfil del hombre y la cultura en México, ambos publicados pela primeira vez na década de 1930, mas, como clássicos, tantas vezes lidos e ressignificados por distintas gerações. Partindo de um dos grandes expoentes da História Intelectual, Dominick LaCapra, demonstra-se que as metodologias ali trabalhadas indicam uma preocupação pontual com a crítica dos modos de pensar e ser do brasileiro e do mexicano contemporâneos, reais. Partindo de um dos grandes expoentes da História dos Conceitos, Reinhart Koselleck, considera-se o ambiente em que foram escritos Raízes e El perfil, e demonstra-se que (entre ensaístas e vanguardistas) se encontram num meio-termo, entre volteios críticos produzidos por não-especialistas, e interpretações metodologicamente mais acuradas, consolidadas anos depois. / The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how Sergio Buarque de Holanda and Samuel Ramos Magaña worked the idea of \"revolution\" and understood the possibilities of a revolution, respectively, in Brazil and Mexico, in the beginning of twentieth century. We consider, therefore, the most celebrated essays of these two authors: Raízes do Brasil and El perfil del hombre y la cultura en México, both first published in the 1930\'s, being classics often read and resignified by different generations. Considering one of the great exponents of Intellectual History, Dominick LaCapra, this Thesis demonstrates that the methodology used by Holanda and Ramos indicate a timely concern with criticism of the real ways of thinking and being of contemporary brazilians and mexicans. Considering one of the great exponents of the History of Concepts, Reinhart Koselleck, it also reckons (pointing similarities and distinctions about other essayists works, and also literary vanguard productions) how Raízes and El perfil are a middle ground between reviews produced by non-specialists and methodologically-accurate interpretations consolidated years later.

O objetivo desta Tese é analisar como Sergio Buarque de Holanda e Samuel Ramos Magaña trabalharam a ideia de \"revolução\", e entenderam as possibilidades de uma revolução, respectivamente, no Brasil e no México, no início do século XX. Consideram-se, para tanto, os ensaios mais célebres desses dois autores: Raízes do Brasil e El perfil del hombre y la cultura en México, ambos publicados pela primeira vez na década de 1930, mas, como clássicos, tantas vezes lidos e ressignificados por distintas gerações. Partindo de um dos grandes expoentes da História Intelectual, Dominick LaCapra, demonstra-se que as metodologias ali trabalhadas indicam uma preocupação pontual com a crítica dos modos de pensar e ser do brasileiro e do mexicano contemporâneos, reais. Partindo de um dos grandes expoentes da História dos Conceitos, Reinhart Koselleck, considera-se o ambiente em que foram escritos Raízes e El perfil, e demonstra-se que (entre ensaístas e vanguardistas) se encontram num meio-termo, entre volteios críticos produzidos por não-especialistas, e interpretações metodologicamente mais acuradas, consolidadas anos depois. / The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how Sergio Buarque de Holanda and Samuel Ramos Magaña worked the idea of \"revolution\" and understood the possibilities of a revolution, respectively, in Brazil and Mexico, in the beginning of twentieth century. We consider, therefore, the most celebrated essays of these two authors: Raízes do Brasil and El perfil del hombre y la cultura en México, both first published in the 1930\'s, being classics often read and resignified by different generations. Considering one of the great exponents of Intellectual History, Dominick LaCapra, this Thesis demonstrates that the methodology used by Holanda and Ramos indicate a timely concern with criticism of the real ways of thinking and being of contemporary brazilians and mexicans. Considering one of the great exponents of the History of Concepts, Reinhart Koselleck, it also reckons (pointing similarities and distinctions about other essayists works, and also literary vanguard productions) how Raízes and El perfil are a middle ground between reviews produced by non-specialists and methodologically-accurate interpretations consolidated years later.

The U.S. War on Drugs has been underway for several decades. Since it was declared by the Nixon Administration narcotics have been understood as a growing security threat to the American public, their health, economy and society. Illicit drugs have gradually become a securitised issue. From the Nixon Administration onward, the law enforcement and eventually military assets of the United States government were increasingly deployed in an effort to counter this drug threat. While initially regarded as a minor issue, as the potency and addictive qualities of illicit drugs increased during the 20th Century, so too did the concerns of influential actors from the political and public spheres. Nixon's actions did not represent the high-water mark of U.S. counter-narcotics. There was growing violence on American streets linked to the drug trafficking cartels out of Colombia, especially in Southern Florida where traffickers battled each other for lucrative drug markets. In response to this national security threat, the Reagan Administration – followed by the successor Bush and Clinton Administrations – gradually increased the involvement of the U.S. military in counter-narcotics policy. This occurred both at home in the form of greater militarisation of police forces, and abroad in support of several Latin American countries’ security forces. In 2000, drug-related instability in Colombia resulted in the launch of the Plan Colombia initiative, a dedicated package of American financial and security assistance, with counter-narcotics the primary purpose. In 2008, as drug-related violence in Mexico reached epidemic proportions and threatened to spillover across the American border, the U.S. launched the Merida Initiative in an attempt to aid Mexican counter-narcotics efforts. This thesis uses qualitative research methods to examine the militarisation of U.S. foreign counter-narcotics policy by analysing the case studies of Colombia and Mexico and their American-backed efforts. It also examines domestic policy, by considering the historical development of U.S. counter-narcotics, the progressive militarisation of law enforcement as a consequence of the drug war, and the security situation on the southern border with Mexico. This empirical research is facilitated by the development of a militarisation analytical framework, which builds upon the securitisation framework. Based on the findings of the case studies, the processes that drive militarisation are explored, and the framework itself is further developed and refined. The research possibilities for counter-narcotics policy and future direction for militarisation research are also explored in the Conclusion. Ultimately, this thesis offers a detailed analysis of militarisation in U.S. foreign and domestic counter-narcotics policy, the processes behind this, and develops a militarisation framework applicable to any security situation, contributing to the overall securitisation debate.

The problem of this study is (1) to expand the 980 division (designated by the term History: South America, Latin America, Spanish America) of the Dewey Decimal Classification for the history of Latin America as a whole and for national histories of several typical countries, and (2) to translate the expanded tables into Spanish.