This dissertation argues that the Hudson’s Bay Company depot that was built at Norway House beginning in 1825 created economic opportunities that were sufficiently strong to draw Aboriginal people to the site in such numbers that, within a decade of its establishment, the post was the locus of a thriving community. This was in spite of the lack of any significant trade in furs, in spite of the absence of an existing Aboriginal community on which to expand and in spite of the very small number of Hudson’s Bay Company personnel assigned to the post on a permanent basis. Although economic factors were not the only reason for the development of Norway House as a community, these factors were almost certainly primus inter pares of the various influences in that development. This study also offers a new framework for the conception and construction of community based on documenting day-to-day activities that were themselves behavioural reflections of intentionality and choice. Interpretation of these behaviours is possible by combining a variety of approaches and methodologies, some qualitative and some quantitative. By closely counting and analyzing data in archival records that were collected by fur trade agents in the course of their normal duties, it is possible to measure the importance of various activities such as construction, fishing and hunting. With a clear understanding of what people were actually doing, it is possible to interpret their intentions in the absence of explicit documentary evidence.

No description available.

Chapter I introduces the Vancouver Island or ‘Douglas’ Treaties of 1850-54, entered into between several Vancouver Island First Nations and Hudson’s Bay Company Chief Factor, James Douglas, acting as agent of the Crown. The written versions purported to extinguish the aboriginal title of the First Nations to their land. Recent research has indicated that these documents do not accurately reflect what was agreed between the parties at the treaty meetings. The goal of the dissertation is to ascertain the likely terms of the treaties. This task also posed my major research challenge, as very little contemporaneous documentation exists of the formation of the treaties. There are a number of first- and second-hand accounts reduced to writing long after the events described, but they have received little attention from scholars until now. Chapter II is devoted to a critical analysis and comparison of the extant First Nation and colonial accounts, from which I conclude that the treaties were likely agreements by the First Nations to share not cede their land. Chapter III makes a comparison with first person accounts of the Washington or ‘Stevens’ Treaties of 1854-55, entered into between vii viii Native American tribes and the United States government. I conclude that these accounts bolster the likelihood that the Vancouver Island agreements were sharing treaties. Chapter IV follows up on a fascinating connection between the written versions of the Vancouver Island Treaties and an agreement concerning land between the Ngai Tahu Moari of New Zealand’s south island and Henry Kemp, acting as agent of the Crown. The comparison provides a number of useful contrasts and parallels with the Vancouver Island Treaties. Chapter V describes the silencing of the Vancouver Island Treaties by the policies of successive governments, the inattention of scholars and the decisions of Canadian courts. Finally, Chapter VI reviews existing and potential categories of historical treaties between First Nations and the Crown. By analogy with treaty categories in international law and the work of political and legal theorists, I make the case for the Vancouver Island Treaties as examples of modus vivendi (interim or framework agreements). / Graduate / 2017-02-24

Between 1760 and 1833, English explorers systematically filled in the map of British North America. Many of those explorers worked for two fur-trading companies: the Hudson's Bay Company and the North West Company. In pursuit of new sources of fur, they opened western Canada to European comprehension. Their published accounts of geographic exploration provided the British audience with new geographical information about North America. New geographic information often paved the way for settlement. However, in the case of the Canadian West, increased geographic comprehension did not necessarily lead to settlement. By 1833, the explorers had built a base of knowledge from which the British conceptualized the Canadian wilderness. Over the course of seventy years, the British conception of western Canada remained remarkably consistent. The popular British image of western Canada, persisting into the 1830s, was of a wasteland fit only for the fur trade. The British, who had been expanding around the world for several hundred years, were not yet interested in settlement in western Canada. This thesis seeks to expand upon the link that existed between the fur trade, its employees, and their influence on the British conception of western Canada. / Master of Arts

The Hudson's Bay Company (HBC), a British fur-trading enterprise, created a large garden at Fort Vancouver, now in southwest Washington, in the early- to mid-19th century. This fort was the administrative headquarters for the HBC's activities in western North America. Archaeological investigations were conducted at this site in 2005 and 2006 in order to better understand the role of this large space, which seems incongruous in terms of resources required, to the profit motive of the HBC. Questions about the landscape characteristics, and comments by 19th century visitors to the site provided the impetus for theoretical research of gardens as representations of societal power, and, on a mid-range level, the efficacy of certain archaeological methods in researching this type of space. Documentary research related to the history of the HBC Garden was also conducted, including previous archaeology completed at the site. The results of these lines of inquiry are presented, providing insight as to the diverse roles this Garden fulfilled in the survival of the HBC in the region - as a commercial enterprise, as a microcosm of western societal practice, and in the health of its employees.

A l’arrivée des premiers colons eurocanadiens à Assiniboia en 1811, le territoire n’est encore qu’un terrain de chasse pour les grandes compagnies de commerce des fourrures, qui obéissent aux codes d’une lex non scripta propre au milieu et à l’économie des Territoires Indiens. La colonie dépend ensuite de la tutelle juridique de la Compagnie de la Baie d’Hudson, qui gère ses institutions gouvernementales, législatives et judiciaires à l’abri d’interventions canadiennes ou britanniques. Jusqu’à son annexion au Canada en tant que province du Manitoba en 1869, Assiniboia est le seul district de l’Ouest continental canadien doté de telles institutions. Cette thèse analyse l’évolution de la culture juridique de la société métissée de la Rivière Rouge (Assiniboia). A travers les sources des fonds législatifs et judiciaires de la colonie, les récits, correspondances et journaux de dirigeants, de missionnaires et d’habitants d’Assiniboia, ce travail observe les usages de l’outil juridique et ses effets normatifs sur les colons. Cette étude postule qu’un demi-siècle après sa création, la Rivière Rouge est un espace juridique hybride, où les lois coutumières coexistent avec celles du code civil de la colonie. Cette recherche démontre l’importante participation de la population à sa propre gouvernance et l’établissement progressif d’un pluralisme juridique, qui savait reconnaître et respecter les altérités sociales de la Rivière Rouge, où se rassemblaient des Eurocanadiens, des Autochtones et une majorité d’individus métissés et semi-nomades. Enfin, cette étude met en évidence le rôle fondamental des Métis et du métissage dans tous les processus de changements juridiques du territoire.

A l’arrivée des premiers colons eurocanadiens à Assiniboia en 1811, le territoire n’est encore qu’un terrain de chasse pour les grandes compagnies de commerce des fourrures, qui obéissent aux codes d’une lex non scripta propre au milieu et à l’économie des Territoires Indiens. La colonie dépend ensuite de la tutelle juridique de la Compagnie de la Baie d’Hudson, qui gère ses institutions gouvernementales, législatives et judiciaires à l’abri d’interventions canadiennes ou britanniques. Jusqu’à son annexion au Canada en tant que province du Manitoba en 1869, Assiniboia est le seul district de l’Ouest continental canadien doté de telles institutions. Cette thèse analyse l’évolution de la culture juridique de la société métissée de la Rivière Rouge (Assiniboia). A travers les sources des fonds législatifs et judiciaires de la colonie, les récits, correspondances et journaux de dirigeants, de missionnaires et d’habitants d’Assiniboia, ce travail observe les usages de l’outil juridique et ses effets normatifs sur les colons. Cette étude postule qu’un demi-siècle après sa création, la Rivière Rouge est un espace juridique hybride, où les lois coutumières coexistent avec celles du code civil de la colonie. Cette recherche démontre l’importante participation de la population à sa propre gouvernance et l’établissement progressif d’un pluralisme juridique, qui savait reconnaître et respecter les altérités sociales de la Rivière Rouge, où se rassemblaient des Eurocanadiens, des Autochtones et une majorité d’individus métissés et semi-nomades. Enfin, cette étude met en évidence le rôle fondamental des Métis et du métissage dans tous les processus de changements juridiques du territoire.

This thesis studies the relationships between newcomers employed by the Hudson’s Bay Company at Fort Simpson and the Ts’msyen people who came to live outside the fort from its establishment in Ts’msyen territory in 1834 until the founding of a Christian Ts’msyen village at Metlakatla in 1862. I argue that a mutually intelligible – if not equally understood – world was developed at this site in which the lives of these newcomers and local Ts’msyen people became intertwined and somewhat interdependent. While this world was not characterized by universal conditions of fellowship and trust it did involve shared Ts’msyen-newcomer participation in significant cultural activities, the repurposing or remaking of each other’s customs, and jointly developed practices in which customs from both groups were intermingled. I propose that some of these practices, particularly those of law and marriage, can be considered as culturally hybrid. This study suggests the compromised position of the HBC on the northern Northwest Coast, Ts’msyen cultural disposition, and dynamics of power within and between these groups fostered the development a mutually intelligible world and hybrid Ts’msyen-newcomer practices. Far from any centre of British power, greatly outnumbered by the Ts’msyen, and soon out-armed, the newcomers of Fort Simpson were particularly vulnerable. Ts’msyen people, it is claimed, generally valued innovation and had a long-established system for acquiring ownership of changes brought from outside into their communities. Ts’msyen women had a special role in this process. Moreover, both the Ts’msyen and the newcomers had hierarchically structured societies in which displays of power and authority were important. These local circumstances were fundamental to the formation of the hybrid institutions of marriage and law at Fort Simpson/Laxłgu’alaams and to the other complex social and cultural interactions of the two groups documented here. While this study acknowledges that Ts’msyen and newcomer people had distinct motivations for entering relationships with each other, for sharing and cross-participating in customs of the other, and for developing new joint and hybrid practices, it argues that for both groups power and authority were crucial factors. The distinct circumstances which made a mutually intelligible world possible at Fort Simpson/Laxłgu’alaams came to an end in 1862. The return of smallpox in Ts’msyen territory, the removal of the missionary William Duncan and his followers from Fort Simpson to Metlakatla, and the increasing colonial regulation of Indigenous people brought an end to the brief period of accommodation and collaboration between HBC newcomers and Ts’msyen people.

A l’arrivée des premiers colons eurocanadiens à Assiniboia en 1811, le territoire n’est encore qu’un terrain de chasse pour les grandes compagnies de commerce des fourrures, qui obéissent aux codes d’une lex non scripta propre au milieu et à l’économie des Territoires Indiens. La colonie dépend ensuite de la tutelle juridique de la Compagnie de la Baie d’Hudson, qui gère ses institutions gouvernementales, législatives et judiciaires à l’abri d’interventions canadiennes ou britanniques. Jusqu’à son annexion au Canada en tant que province du Manitoba en 1869, Assiniboia est le seul district de l’Ouest continental canadien doté de telles institutions. Cette thèse analyse l’évolution de la culture juridique de la société métissée de la Rivière Rouge (Assiniboia). A travers les sources des fonds législatifs et judiciaires de la colonie, les récits, correspondances et journaux de dirigeants, de missionnaires et d’habitants d’Assiniboia, ce travail observe les usages de l’outil juridique et ses effets normatifs sur les colons. Cette étude postule qu’un demi-siècle après sa création, la Rivière Rouge est un espace juridique hybride, où les lois coutumières coexistent avec celles du code civil de la colonie. Cette recherche démontre l’importante participation de la population à sa propre gouvernance et l’établissement progressif d’un pluralisme juridique, qui savait reconnaître et respecter les altérités sociales de la Rivière Rouge, où se rassemblaient des Eurocanadiens, des Autochtones et une majorité d’individus métissés et semi-nomades. Enfin, cette étude met en évidence le rôle fondamental des Métis et du métissage dans tous les processus de changements juridiques du territoire.

In the mid-19th century, the Fort Vancouver employee Village was one of the most diverse settlements on the Pacific Coast. Trappers, tradesmen, and laborers from Europe, North America, and Hawaii worked and lived within a highly stratified colonial social structure. Their homes have been the site of archaeological research for nearly 50 years, but the architectural features and artifacts have received limited attention. Inspired by an 1845 description of the Village that described houses that were "as various in form" as their occupants (Hussey 1957:218), this study examined community-level social relationships in this 19th-century fur trade community through vernacular architecture and landscape. This thesis presents the life histories and layouts of five Village houses. The architectural analysis relied on data from features, square nails, window glass, and bricks. The resulting architectural interpretations were synthesized to explore the larger vernacular landscape of the Village and investigate whether the house styles reflect processes of creolization and community development, or distinction and segregation among the Village residents. The houses all stem from a common French-Canadian architectural tradition, built by the first employees at Fort Vancouver, but the life histories also revealed that the houses were occupied (and repaired) by a second wave of employees at some time during the 1840s. A reminder that Village houses deposits may reflect multiple owners, and should not be conceptualized as the result of a single household. Finally, this thesis demonstrates that nuanced architectural data that can yet be learned from past excavation assemblages when the many nails, bricks, and window glass specimens are reanalyzed using current methods.