This dissertation aims at analyzing the debates among intellectuals concerning humanism, and concurrently designed &ldquo / Turkish Humanism Project&rdquo / during the nation/identity-building process in the early decades of Turkey&rsquo / s Republican Era. During in&ouml / n&uuml / Era (1938-1950), the nationalism and westernization of Atat&uuml / rk&rsquo / s reforms turned into an uncompromising secularism, and consequently humanist culture and &ldquo / humanism&rdquo / became the quasi-formal ideology of the state. In order to spread the newly designed cultural policy, then unnamed &ldquo / Turkish Humanism Project&rdquo / was developed. The present dissertation starts with debates on humanism among those intellectuals who were influential over the decision of the state to support humanist culture. Following that, it analyzes the three pillars of the project, namely, Greek and Latin lessons in high school curriculum, establishment of the Translation Office, and opening of the Village Institutes, respectively. In the dissertation, the emergence of humanism in the country is discussed in an historical perspective. Moreover, the general understanding of both the intellectuals and the state of humanism as a solution to the problems faced in cultural and national identity-building process and in westernization movement is demonstrated. As that perception evolved into another perception that humanism was now the cure to all kinds of problems in the society, humanism was charged with tasks too burdensome for such a project to accomplish. This evolution is also demonstrated in the dissertation. The failure of all three pillars of Turkish Humanism Project is attributed not only to the political turmoil during the period but also to the inability of country&rsquo / s intellectuals to conceptualize any phenomena in question as well as their turning the project into a &ldquo / utopian romanticism&rdquo / in the course of time. Nevertheless, the most important factor behind the failure is defined as the rejection by then existing social structure of a concept to alien Turkish national-being, imposed on the society. While the dissertation aims at revealing the intellectual map of the early Republican intellectuals, it also attempts at making an inventory of the debates about &ldquo / humanism&rdquo / , and hence modestly contributes to the existing relevant literature which is insufficient and at times inaccurate.

The present study argues that the central notion and practice unifying Edward Said’s oeuvre is that of “secular” criticism, which he conceives of as the defining activity and tool of the humanistic intellectual. We also argue that Said sees the intellectual’s moral mission of “secular” criticism as based in Said’s understanding of “humanism” as intellectual production aimed at concrete change in the real world of human struggles for universal justice and human emancipation from oppression of all types. Related to Said’s particular and perennial upholding of a particular understanding of humanism, Said wields a religious-secular rhetoric as a weapon to expose and question the ironic fact of the “religiosity” of those persons, movements, and ideologies claiming their basis in the unswervingly “secular.” Within the overall body of Said commentary, Said’s effort to recover humanism as a useable praxis of human emancipation from oppressive systems has been largely neglected. This is largely due to the misrecognition of Orientalism as Said’s defining project and the consequent sublation of equally if not more significant, defining elements in the Saidian oeuvre than Orientalism , e.g. “secular” criticism. This study finds that the religious-secular trope conveys Said’s notion of what criticism is and does in a re-constructed humanism, a “humanism of liberation,” as Saree Makdisi has aptly called it, and not, as some commentators have seen it, an expression of a self-contradictory disdain for religion with a concomitant defensive posture toward Islam. In this thesis, Said’s religious-secular rhetoric is analyzed for its meaning, for its role in Said’s idea of criticism, and for its significance in Said’s effort to re-construct humanism as an emancipatory practice. Finally, this study argues that Said’s writing to and on the Arab-Islamic world, and particularly his writing on Palestine-Israel, exemplifies what Said means by the term “secular” criticism. In this sense, Said’s work on the problematic of Palestine-Israel is a synechdoche of his entire critical project. This interpretation is unique in that it challenges the idea that Said’s work on Palestine-Israel is an endeavor outside his professional vocation as a humanist and is motivated merely by Said’s passionate attachment to his homeland. This thesis aims to show how Said’s work on the problematic of Palestine-Israel is not only a model of what Said means by the term “secular criticism,” but avers further that, coupled with Said’s writing to and on the Arab Islamic world, his work on Palestine-Israel represents the most significant labor of his “non-humanist” humanism, or the “humanism of liberation” as a still valid practice, and as an intellectual, ethical framework, and a means of concretely furthering the struggle for universal human emancipation—which Said defines as completely in line with his work as a humanist. In other words, Said’s work on the problematic of Palestine-Israel is not a political side-line apart from his work as a man of letters but is a body of quintessentially humanistic production at the heart of the concept of “secular criticism.” The present study argues that the central notion and practice unifying Edward Said’s oeuvre is that of “secular” criticism, which he conceives of as the defining activity and tool of the humanistic intellectual. We also argue that Said sees the intellectual’s moral mission of “secular” criticism as based in Said’s understanding of “humanism” as intellectual production aimed at concrete change in the real world of human struggles for universal justice and human emancipation from oppression of all types. Related to Said’s particular and perennial upholding of a particular understanding of humanism, Said wields a religious-secular rhetoric as a weapon to expose and question the ironic fact of the “religiosity” of those persons, movements, and ideologies claiming their basis in the unswervingly “secular.” Within the overall body of Said commentary, Said’s effort to recover humanism as a useable praxis of human emancipation from oppressive systems has been largely neglected. This is largely due to the misrecognition of Orientalism as Said’s defining project and the consequent sublation of equally if not more significant, defining elements in the Saidian oeuvre than Orientalism , e.g. “secular” criticism. This study finds that the religious-secular trope conveys Said’s notion of what criticism is and does in a re-constructed humanism, a “humanism of liberation,” as Saree Makdisi has aptly called it, and not, as some commentators have seen it, an expression of a self-contradictory disdain for religion with a concomitant defensive posture toward Islam. In this thesis, Said’s religious-secular rhetoric is analyzed for its meaning, for its role in Said’s idea of criticism, and for its significance in Said’s effort to re-construct humanism as an emancipatory practice. Finally, this study argues that Said’s writing to and on the Arab-Islamic world, and particularly his writing on Palestine-Israel, exemplifies what Said means by the term “secular” criticism. In this sense, Said’s work on the problematic of Palestine-Israel is a synechdoche of his entire critical project. This interpretation is unique in that it challenges the idea that Said’s work on Palestine-Israel is an endeavor outside his professional vocation as a humanist and is motivated merely by Said’s passionate attachment to his homeland. This thesis aims to show how Said’s work on the problematic of Palestine-Israel is not only a model of what Said means by the term “secular criticism,” but avers further that, coupled with Said’s writing to and on the Arab Islamic world, his work on Palestine-Israel represents the most significant labor of his “non-humanist” humanism, or the “humanism of liberation” as a still valid practice, and as an intellectual, ethical framework, and a means of concretely furthering the struggle for universal human emancipation—which Said defines as completely in line with his work as a humanist. In other words, Said’s work on the problematic of Palestine-Israel is not a political side-line apart from his work as a man of letters but is a body of quintessentially humanistic production at the heart of the concept of “secular criticism.” The present study argues that the central notion and practice unifying Edward Said’s oeuvre is that of “secular” criticism, which he conceives of as the defining activity and tool of the humanistic intellectual. We also argue that Said sees the intellectual’s moral mission of “secular” criticism as based in Said’s understanding of “humanism” as intellectual production aimed at concrete change in the real world of human struggles for universal justice and human emancipation from oppression of all types. Related to Said’s particular and perennial upholding of a particular understanding of humanism, Said wields a religious-secular rhetoric as a weapon to expose and question the ironic fact of the “religiosity” of those persons, movements, and ideologies claiming their basis in the unswervingly “secular.” Within the overall body of Said commentary, Said’s effort to recover humanism as a useable praxis of human emancipation from oppressive systems has been largely neglected. This is largely due to the misrecognition of Orientalism as Said’s defining project and the consequent sublation of equally if not more significant, defining elements in the Saidian oeuvre than Orientalism , e.g. “secular” criticism. This study finds that the religious-secular trope conveys Said’s notion of what criticism is and does in a re-constructed humanism, a “humanism of liberation,” as Saree Makdisi has aptly called it, and not, as some commentators have seen it, an expression of a self-contradictory disdain for religion with a concomitant defensive posture toward Islam.

Bakgrund Ett sätt att mäta patienternas upplevelser av bemötande är att mäta tillfredsställelsen. Under bemötande ingår humanistiskt arbetssätt och ett professionellt förhållningssätt. Enligt kompetensbeskrivningen bör en tandhygienist bemöta och behandla alla människor likvärdigt med respekt oavsett individuella förutsättningar. Genom gott omhändertagande kan tillfredställelsen bland patienterna höjas. Syftet var att undersöka patienternas grad av tillfredställelse av bemötandet från tandhygienister inom Folktandvården (allmäntandvården), samt hur patienterna upplever tandhygienisternas professionella förhållningssätt. Metod Studien var en kvantitativ tvärsnittsstudie. Urvalet bestod av personer som var 18 år eller äldre. Fem folktandvårdskliniker valdes strategiskt ut genom klusterurval. Deskriptiv statistik gjordes av bakgrundsvariabler och redovisades i tabeller. Jämförelser av variabler ålder, upplevd munhälsa samt väntetid utfördes med chi-två-tester. Resultat Majoriteten av deltagarna var tillfredsställda med tandhygienisternas bemötande. Samtliga deltagare uppgav att de blivit bemötta på ett respektfullt och hänsynsfullt sätt. Statistiskt signifikant skillnad avseende bemötande i relation till väntetid kunde påvisas. Gruppen där besöket började i tid var mer tillfredsställda än dem som fick vänta. Genom självbedömningen av Humanismskalan påvisades att tandhygienisterna bemötte dem utifrån ett humanistiskt förhållningssätt. Slutsats Studien visade att majoriteten av deltagarna visade tillfredsställelse med tandhygienisternas bemötande och professionella förhållningsätt samt att väntetid påverkade graden av tillfredställelse. / Background A way to measure the patients’ experiences regarding treatment is to measure the satisfaction. Treatment includes humanistic view and professional approach. According to the competence description, dental hygienists should treat all people equally with respect. Patient satisfaction can be increased through good care. Aim To investigate patients’ degree of satisfaction from dental hygienists’ in the Public Dental Service, and how patients experienced their professional approach. Method The study was a quantitative cross-sectional study. The sample consisted of people ≥ 18 years old. Five dental clinics were chosen strategically by cluster selection. Descriptive statistics was conducted to map background variables. Age, self-perceived oral health and waiting time were compared with chi-square tests. Results Most of the participants were satisfied with the dental hygienists’ treatment. All participants stated that they were treated in a respectful and considerate manner. Statistically significant difference regarding waiting time was detected. The group where the visit started on time was more satisfied than those who had to wait. Through self-assessment of Humanism Scale showed that dental hygienists’ treatment was based on humanistic approach. Conclusion Most of the participants showed satisfaction with the dental hygienists' treatment and professional approach. Waiting time affected the degree of satisfaction.

盧永雄. / 影印本 / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學, 1988. / 參考文獻: leaves 184-193. / Lu yongxiong. / 鳴謝 / 縮略詞表 / 論文撮要 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 / Chapter (一) --- 開放中的思想領域 --- p.1 / Chapter 甲、 --- 活躍的思想領域 --- p.1 / Chapter 乙、 --- 緩慢發展的官方理論 --- p.3 / Chapter 丙、 --- 放鬆與緊縮 --- p.4 / Chapter 丁、 --- 人道主義論爭的個案 --- p.8 / Chapter (二) --- 研究者的焦點 --- p.10 / Chapter (三) --- 硏究方法 --- p.12 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻調查 --- p.15 / Chapter (一) --- 二元化鬥爭模式 --- p.15 / Chapter 甲、 --- 改革者對抗保守者的角度 --- p.16 / Chapter 乙、 --- 「二元化鬥爭」論的問題 --- p.17 / Chapter 丙、 --- 「二元化鬥爭」與學習 --- p.20 / Chapter (二) --- 學習模式 --- p.21 / Chapter 甲、 --- 社會心理性質的學習 --- p.22 / Chapter 乙、 --- 傳統政策硏究的問題 --- p.24 / Chapter 丙、 --- 系統的學習 --- p.25 / Chapter (三) --- 小結 --- p.29 / Chapter 第三章 --- 中華人民共和國的意識型態系統──一個槪念架構 --- p.30 / Chapter (一) --- 意識型態系統的基本構成 --- p.30 / Chapter 甲、 --- 黨高層「代」距分明 --- p.32 / Chapter 乙、 --- 黨中下層的殊異反應 --- p.39 / Chapter 丙、 --- 政治權威下的知識份子 --- p.41 / Chapter 丁、 --- 主動打來的「擦線球」 --- p.46 / Chapter (二) --- 意識型態系統的學習和變化 --- p.48 / Chapter 甲、 --- 學習開放的意識型態系統 --- p.50 / Chapter 乙、 --- 學習的局限──週期性的緊縮 --- p.58 / Chapter (三) --- 小結 --- p.62 / Chapter 第四章 --- 人道主義的論爭與淸除精神汚染´ؤ´ؤ事實的描述 --- p.63 / Chapter (一) --- 論爭的背景 --- p.63 / Chapter 甲、 --- 修正主義理論 --- p.64 / Chapter 乙、 --- 受歡迎的理論 --- p.65 / Chapter (二) --- 爭鳴的時期 --- p.66 / Chapter 甲、 --- 理論的浮現 --- p.67 / Chapter 乙、 --- 討論的冷卻 --- p.69 / Chapter 丙、 --- 壓抑的出現 --- p.70 / Chapter (三) --- 緊縮的時期 --- p.73 / Chapter 甲、 --- 正式的開端 --- p.75 / Chapter 乙、 --- 界定打擊面 --- p.76 / Chapter 丙、 --- 要求自我批評 --- p.77 / Chapter 丁、 --- 限制打擊面 --- p.79 / Chapter 戊、 --- 定出官方結論 --- p.81 / Chapter (四) --- 小結 --- p.82 / Chapter 第五章 --- 人道主義的浪潮 --- p.84 / Chapter (一) --- 從發言人到批判者 --- p.85 / Chapter 甲、 --- 官方的旗手 --- p.86 / Chapter 乙、 --- 踏上批評之路 --- p.90 / Chapter 丙、 --- 靑年的批判者 --- p.98 / Chapter (二) --- 文革´ؤ´ؤ學習的鎖龥 --- p.100 / Chapter 甲、 --- 刺激與再生 --- p.101 / Chapter 乙、 --- 人的哲學取代鬥爭哲學 --- p.104 / Chapter (三) --- 小結 --- p.107 / Chapter 第六章 --- 淸除精神汚染 --- p.108 / Chapter (一) --- 淸汚的決策 --- p.109 / Chapter 甲、 --- 決策者 --- p.109 / Chapter 乙、 --- 決策過程 --- p.116 / Chapter 丙、 --- 政治糾紛與派系問題 --- p.121 / Chapter (二) --- 過熱和過冷的反應 --- p.124 / Chapter 甲、 --- 惡性的澎漲 --- p.124 / Chapter 乙、 --- 冷漠的囘響 --- p.128 / Chapter (三) --- 矛盾的學習經驗 --- p.133 / Chapter 甲、 --- 黨對文革的學習 --- p.134 / Chapter 乙、 --- 兩代領導人的差異 --- p.137 / Chapter (四) --- 小結 --- p.139 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 --- p.141 / Chapter (一) --- 從淸汚事件看黨和知識份子的關係 --- p.141 / Chapter 甲、 --- 自發的人道主義思潮 --- p.141 / Chapter 乙、 --- 武斷的緊縮決定 --- p.144 / Chapter 丙、 --- 黨和知識份子的關係 --- p.147 / Chapter (二) --- 理論探討 --- p.149 / Chapter 甲、 --- 二元化鬥爭模式的盲點 --- p.149 / Chapter 乙、 --- 學習模式的解釋能力 --- p.150 / Chapter (三) --- 進一步研究的方向 --- p.152 / 註解 --- p.154 / 主要參考書目 --- p.184 / 主要參考報章雜誌 --- p.193

Laurence Humphrey was acknowledged in his own day as a leading Protestant intellectual, Oxford pedagogue, and Latinist. In posterity however, he has been predominantly defined by his involvement in the ‘vestiarian controversy’ of the 1560s. This thesis proposes a revised view, which takes into account the significant educational contexts and concerns with which Humphrey was engaged before, during and after his Marian exile in Zurich and Basel. The thesis is divided into five chapters. Chapter One presents the fruits of new biographical research into Humphrey’s education and early adult life, his grounding in Protestant ideology, and the circumstances of his exile up until 1559. Relocated amongst the Rhineland’s finest scholar-printers, Humphrey immerses himself in the dual currents of European humanism and religion, a context that characterizes his earliest works. Chapter Two argues that Humphrey’s 1559 Interpretatio Linguarum evidences an international network of reformed scholars using Graeco-Latin translation theory to inform the development of vernacular literary culture. In discussing contemporary writers and their translations, Humphrey’s Latin work reveals itself as an intellectually central text of English vernacular culture. Chapter Three analyses the 1560 Optimates as an exposition of the pedagogical concept of the vir bonus, which Humphrey refashions for a new Elizabethan generation of English Protestant gentry. Chapter Four reprises the biographical narrative by following Humphrey’s return to the educational environment of early Elizabethan Oxford. The period from 1560 to the mid-1570s sees the consolidation of Humphrey’s reputation as one of the leading reformist educators of his generation. Chapter Five looks at the 1573 Vita Iuelli. Referencing a range of literary traditions, Humphrey presents Bishop John Jewel as the fulfilment of the ideals of reformed humanist education. This thesis re-introduces Humphrey as an important figure in the merged intellectual, multi-lingual, reforming currents of humanism and religion that characterize the mid-Tudor moment.

This dissertation examines the vexed relationship between humanism and the New Left counterculture through close examination of four U.S. avant-garde theatre works from the late 1960s. From new interpretations of these plays emerges a new appreciation for U.S. avant-garde theatre’s active role within contemporary philosophical debates, as the theatre artists included here are shown to have intervened in the reassessment of universal assumptions about the human species, salvaging what they could from the legacy of humanism even as it fell under increased attack. Inspired by European existentialism and by the diagnosis of human alienation inherited from the early Karl Marx, these artists inherited the New Left’s framing of political projects in the universalist terms of “the” human, a figure thought to be suppressed and contorted by modern society. Along with this humanist framework came a sense of responsibility for the world created by human hands. Rather than deferring to Western liberalism’s providential notion of historical progress, New Left humanism argued that history was humanity’s doing, and that building a free and equal future was its responsibility. As the decade progressed and claims for membership in “the” human as historical agent were made by Black Power, feminist, queer, and other liberation movements, this stable humanist vision came under intense pressure. The increasing visibility of state and non-state violence from the streets of Watts to Vietnam to the assassinations of 1968 only intensified these difficulties as the new social movements met the limits of their short-term effectiveness. “Exiting Eden” greets the avant-garde theatre at this moment of crisis. The dissertation’s argument is that the formal and thematic choices of the late 1960s U.S avant-garde theatre were shaped by the question of whether political radicalism built on a humanist foundation could be viable. The chapters are organized on a spectrum from an optimistic if self-aware humanist framework to a more fundamental critique that anticipates the anti-humanisms of the next decade’s “theory” revolution. Through sustained close readings, I show that each of these plays is not simply a symptom of a period that was deeply interested in humanism but, rather, that they are all acts of theoretical intervention in their own right. The title of each chapter names a figure or a relation, drawn from each play, that suggests each artist’s orientation toward the figure of “the” human. Because even the most radical notions of “the” human threaten ontological claims of a human “essence,” Eden—the mythical space where “the” human existed before being corrupted by falling into society and history—functions as setting and/or trope in each play, as do representations of the border between human and animal or human and monster. In the hands of these avant-garde artists, such tropes become strategies for turning the stage into a laboratory with which to test the limits of humanist radicalism. “Exiting Eden” therefore rewrites existing understandings of the U.S. avant-garde’s engagement with contemporary social movements while complicating the assumption that the confrontation with European forms was the primary motive behind the experimental turn among U.S. theatremakers. At least in the theatre, the United States did not need France in order to critique and reimagine the most basic humanist principles. Chapter One examines the Living Theatre’s Paradise Now, the over four-hours-long, interactive theatre piece that was created in Europe in early 1968 and toured the United States through 1969. The plot of Paradise Now, represented in performance by an elaborate chart representing a journey to “permanent revolution,” and accompanied in the published script by multiple references to philosophical and mystical ideas embraced by the counterculture, is a textbook for the countercultural adaptation of humanism for radical purposes. Rather than dismiss the play as an aesthetic and political failure, as many critics have done, my interpretation emphasizes the degree to which it takes humanity’s agency over its collective future to be the play’s subject rather than its uncritical premise. In their published writings, as in Paradise Now itself, auteurs Judith Malina and Julian Beck model a political orientation that bravely acknowledges failure, indeed demands an unceasing assessment of failure, in order not to confuse consciousness with worldmaking, and idealism with concrete revolution. I argue that by presenting a play that seems, on the surface, to aim to be efficacious, the Living Theatre manages to investigate the place of efficacy in a radical politics. This achievement relies on a series of meta-theatrical techniques, in particular a sharp contrast between the theatre and the streets, to map out the limits of messianic politics. Chapter Two examines LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka’s A Black Mass, which was written three years before Paradise Now but not performed until 1969. Of all the artists in this study, it is Baraka who uses the term “humanism” most frequently, and just as often positively as negatively. What Kimberly Benston has called “black humanism” becomes, for Baraka, a tool for correcting the failures of bourgeois (white) humanism, which he blames for the twin violence of colonialism and racism. These failures follow from an idealism that frames humanism as a transcendental set of assumptions rather than as a construct produced by a group of people in particular historical circumstances. I argue that reconceptualizing humanism as the poetic act of a people, made from the stuff of history, is Baraka’s goal in his writings and in his art. I argue that A Black Mass is a theatrical critique of the Nation of Islam (from which Baraka borrows his plot) as a form of black nationalism that dangerously recapitulates “white” humanism’s idealism. A brief look at Baraka’s play Slave Ship helps to draw out this distinction between an idealist and a materialist black humanism. Chapter Three centers on The Serpent, directed by Joseph Chaikin and written by Jean-Claude van Itallie in collaboration with the company of the Open Theater. I show that the play, along with Chaikin’s writings on theatre, assumes that whether or not human nature exists, it is fundamentally unknowable. As a result, the foundations of both humanist liberalism and the anarchism of Beck and Malina, Chaikin’s friends and mentors, must be re-examined. But rather than propose an alternative framework, Chaikin and his company choose a critical approach, what he calls the “impossible study,” that is self-reflective about the value of the search for human nature. In The Serpent, the apparently humanist discourse of science becomes the source of a critique of humanism. The attempt to discover, as though with the surgical certainty of medicine, the nature of the human deconstructs itself over the course of the play. What emerges, through a devastating representation of the murder of Abel, is a diagnosis of humanism as humanity’s curse, the yearning for total knowledge of “the” human and its world as a Sisyphean project that can be neither sated nor abandoned. Chapter Four examines Ronald Tavel’s Gorilla Queen, produced at the Judson Poets’ Theatre in 1967. Gorilla Queen, the only full-length example of what Tavel called his “Theatre of the Ridiculous,” is also the only play in this study whose orientation could be called anti-humanist. Its anti-humanism is nonetheless interested in universal human experience, as my reading shows. Writing from the perspective of the queer urban underground, Tavel uses stereotypes drawn from Hollywood B-movies of the 1930s to satirize humanism’s complicity with imperialism and racism. He further draws out the ways in which appeals to “the” human limit opportunities to embrace the full range of sensuous experience available to the human animal. From his anti-homophobic politics of pleasure, Tavel uses the de-sacralizing aesthetics of camp to suggest that humanism is, simply, not that much fun, and that true human liberation must be found outside the universalizing boundaries of “the” human. Collectively, these plays present four varieties of ambivalence about humanism as a philosophical concept and as a basis for political action. The epilogue recapitulates the argument, considers further avenues of research, and briefly reflects on the place of humanism in present-day political struggles.

The thirteen essays in this volume demonstrate the multiplicity of connections between learning and politics in Renaissance Italy. Some engage explicitly with Hans Baron's "civic humanism" thesis illustrating its continuing viability, but also stretching its application to prove the limitations of its original expression. Others move beyond Baron's thesis to examine the actual practice of various individuals and groups engaged in both political and learned activities in a variety of diverse settings. The collective impression of all the contributions is that of a complex, ever-shifting mosaic of learned enterprises in which the well-examined civic paradigm emerges as just one of several modes that explain the interaction between learning and politics in Italy between 1300 and 1650. The model that emerges rejects any single category of explanation in favour of one that emphasizes variety and multiplicity. It suggests that learning was indispensible to all politics in Renaissance Italy and that, in fact, at its heart the Renaissance was a political event as much as a cultural movement. "In moving past the constraints imposed by the so-called Baron thesis, the essays in this volume allow for an innovative focus on Renaissance humanism as a set of 'practices' determined more by social structures and networks than by specific historical events. In so doing, a number of these studies open up new areas of scholarly exploration." - Scott Blanchard, Misericordia University / https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1149/thumbnail.jpg

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed December 7, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 307-318).

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 193-205). Also available on the Internet.