Since his election into office, a cloud of uncertainty has surrounded President Trump’s foreign policy ambitions. Much of today’s scholarship concerns its unpredictable nature and scope. President Trump, like previous presidents who have come before him, entered office with very little foreign policy experience. A key feature of his non-principled, fast-alternating foreign policy is that few people know exactly what he is going to propose next in terms of his international strategy. Coupled with this strategy is Trump’s desire for international credibility and a strong reputation. This desire seems fundamentally at odds with his foreign policy strategy, as Trump proposes isolationist measures and countries learn to fear his foreign policy’s unpredictability. This paper aims to take a critical look at the role of humanitarian intervention in a country’s foreign policy. It analyses whether countries like the United States can successfully introduce humanitarian intervention as a successful foreign policy prescription. More specifically, it aims to answer the following research question: is it possible for the United States to reclaim its founding values through intervention in humanitarian crises without hindering the country’s military credibility? This paper first proposes theory, then aims to cement that theory in a real-world scenario through the analysis of a specific case study. It uses a combination of primary sources, secondary sources, and more qualitative methods of data gathering to deeply analyze the relationship between humanitarian intervention, military credibility, and the United States’ founding values. It then goes on to critically analyze the application of these findings to the genocide currently occurring in West Sudan.

A partir do exame da formação e identificação da norma consuetudinária, consoante os pressupostos da teoria dos dois elementos, investiga-se a índole consuetudinária das intervenções humanitárias no contexto do Direito Internacional Contemporâneo, a fim de verificar se tais práticas estatais teriam se constituído em um costume internacional e, por conseguinte, se elas ampliaram o rol das exceções ao princípio da proibição do uso da força pelos Estados nas relações internacionais esculpido no artigo 2 (4) da Carta das Nações Unidas. Dada a polissemia existente para a expressão intervenção humanitária, esta pode ser compreendida como o recurso à força armada por um Estado, ou grupo de Estados, para além das suas fronteiras, conforme discricionariedade própria, ou seja, sem a autorização do CSNU, com o propósito de cessar práticas em largas escalas, persistentes e generalizadas, comissivas ou omissivas, de graves violações dos Direito Humanos e Internacional Humanitário. A partir da apuração dos elementos que conformam esse conceito estabelecido, do exame dos casos de ocorrência e das justificativas legais apresentadas pelos Estados interventores para essa prática interventiva, conjugado com a reação dos demais Estados à essa conduta, por uma considerável e persistente falta de expresso reconhecimento do caráter de direito para a intervenção humanitária, é possível afirmar que os Estados sucessivamente reafirmaram o reconhecimento do princípio da interdição do uso da força pelos Estados nas suas relações internacionais e, que nos quadros do Direito Internacional contemporâneo, a este tipo de intervenção não é um costume internacional porque carece de opinio iuris. / From the examination of the formation and identification of international customary, depending on the assumptions of the theory of the two elements, investigates the customary nature of humanitarian interventions in the context of Contemporary International Law, in order to verify whether such State practice would have incurred an international custom and, therefore, if they expanded the list of exceptions to the principle of prohibition of the use of force in international relations States carved in article 2 (4) of the Charter of the United Nations. Given the existing polysemy for the term humanitarian intervention, this can be understood as the use of armed force by a State or group of States, beyond its borders, according to own discretion, i.e. without the permission of the UNSC, to cease practices in wide ranges, persistent and widespread, comissivas or omissivas, of serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. The examination of the elements that make up this concept established and the cases and legal justifications submitted by States interveners to this practice interventional, combined with the reaction of other States that conduct by a considerable and persistent lack of expressed recognition of the character of the right to humanitarian intervention, it is possible to affirm that the States successively reaffirmed recognition of the principle of prohibition of the use of force by States in their international relations and, that in the frames of contemporary international law, this type of intervention is not a customary international because lacks opinio iuris.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T20:29:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_ArianaBazzanode_M.pdf: 1019145 bytes, checksum: 96557414ca70d41ee8754eebed94d634 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O conceito de Segurança Humana surge na década de 1990 como uma alternativa ao tradicional conceito de segurança centrado no Estado. Para ativistas e intelectuais ligados aos novos debates sobre o conceito, é necessário que as políticas de segurança se centrem nos indivíduos, resguardando os seus direitos, tanto por meio de políticas de desenvolvimento, como pela proteção de possíveis violências físicas. Com base nisto, este trabalho destacará a Segurança humana, especialmente, a proposta feita pelo Programa das Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento (PNUD). O objetivo do texto é apresentar uma análise crítica do conceito de Segurança humana, sua formulação, os seus debates e críticas. Além disso, serão apresentadas duas políticas internacionais se fundamentam no conceito de Segurança humana: o Fundo Fiduciário de Segurança Humana, encabeçado pelo Japão, e a Rede de Segurança Humana, liderada pelo Canadá / Abstract: The concept of human security arises in the 1990s as an alternative to the traditional security concept centered on the state. For activists and intellectuals linked to the new debates on the concept, it is necessary that security policies focus on individuals, protecting their rights, whether it's through development policies or through the protection of possible physical abuse. From this, this work will highlight the human security, especially the proposal of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). The aim of this paper is to present a critical analysis of the concept of human security, its formulation, debates and critics. Besides, there will be presented two international policies that are based on the concept of human security: the Trust Fund for Human Security, chaired by Japan and the Human Security Network, lead by Canada / Mestrado / Relações Internacionais / Mestre em Ciência Política

A new era of wars and instability have left the world shaken with the civil wars in Syria and Libya. Although there are many similarities with Syria and Libya, the two states did not have the same end due to actions by the United Nations Security Council. Libya resulted in a military humanitarian intervention, while Syria did not. Studies about the Security Council usually focuses on the actions of the Permanent Five members who holds institutional power and influence over the council, mostly due to their quantitative economic and military power, leaving smaller states, the non-permanent members out of research. The point of this study is to fill in the lacuna of the studies on the non-permanent members to see they behave in the council by how they problematize the crisis in Syria and Libya. This paper compares the discourses of Colombia, Portugal and South Africa, three of the non-permanent members of the Security Council between 2011-2012 in how they speak about the decision to intervene in Libya and not in Syria. To conduct my normative study I use Tal Dingott Alkopher’s study on Military Humanitarian Intervention Norms by analysing speeches found in UNSC meeting protocols that regarded Syria and Libya. I do this to find evidence for how these non-permanent members argue for or against norms of intervention. My results show that the non-permanent members are more aligned with intervention norms for Libya rather than Syria.

By the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century the late and insufficient acts of the United Nations in its mission to keep peace and international security as well as the respect to human rights, seal and demonstrate its inability to give quick answers to extreme situations. The present study aims to investigate the possible reformulations occurred in the Humanitarian Intervention model throughout the investigated period, in order to disclose the factors (facts, theories, practices) that clarify these changes as well as to discuss the possible ways for the construction of new spaces, dialogic, collaborative and solidary, throughout a humanitarian intervention, in this re-structuring process. This period also shows strong disagreement amongst the defenders of the intervention for humanity reasons and the sponsors of the sovereignty as intangible principle. There is not a consensus about the existence of a right or duty of humanitarian interference, for whom it must be done and the moment to accomplish it. On the other hand, there is a consensus regarding the inefficacy of the logic used to implement an intervention for humanitarian reasons. The unsuitability of the actions seen so far, and the selectivity criteria (or lack of them), show the farness between the means and ends of the humanitarian intervention as well as the need of creating clear rules for its practice. So, the protection responsibility theory arises, whose purpose is to regulate the international collective acting in the armed interventions. However, considering the purely technical aspects, it seems that the operational principles brought by the new theory are the biggest differential in relation to the classical humanitarian intervention. The modus operandi of these interventions has always been strongly criticized, that is, the excesses committed by troops during occupation, the lack of parameters for the action of multinational troops (with formation and distinct orientations), the disproportion in the use of power, promote debates about the farness between the means and ends in humanitarian interventions. It is important to mention that the human element needs to be present during all military action (preparatory, successive and posterior). Finally, only when this element is, in fact, considered, will the means and ends converge towards a common point, which is the protection of every person s human rights in the State territory under intervention. The people who compose the States government make the difference, heating the cold reason of the State, giving opportunity to solidary actions and, therefore, working with distinct proposal possibilities by traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution. With the logic of power that rules international relations, the will of many men and women still resists within the governments, the academy, and civil society, which have put a great deal of effort on a new world order, showing new ways and new solidarity spaces in intervention situations. / No final do Século XX e início do Século XXI, as atuações tardias e insuficientes das Nações Unidas, na sua missão de garantir a paz e a segurança internacionais bem como o respeito aos direitos humanos, marcam e demonstram a sua inabilidade para dar respostas rápidas a situações extremas. O presente estudo tem como principal objetivo perquirir as possíveis reformulações ocorridas no modelo da Intervenção Humanitária no período referido, com vistas a desvelar os fatores (fatos, teorias, práticas) que evidenciam essas mudanças, bem como discutir os caminhos possíveis para a construção de novos espaços, dialógicos, colaborativos e solidários, em meio a uma intervenção humanitária, nesse processo de reestruturação. Esse período tem ainda, como marca, forte desacordo entre os defensores da intervenção por razões de humanidade e os patrocinadores da soberania como princípio intangível. Não se firma um consenso sobre a existência de um direito ou dever de ingerência humanitária, por quem ele deve ser exercido e qual o momento de efetivá-lo. Por outro lado, há consenso quanto à ineficácia da lógica utilizada para a implementação de uma intervenção por razões de humanidade. A intempestividade das ações até então presenciadas, os critérios de seletividade (ou a falta deles), evidenciam o distanciamento entre meios e fins da intervenção humanitária bem como a necessidade de criação de regras claras para a sua prática. Surge a teoria da responsabilidade de proteger cujo propósito abarca regular a atuação do coletivo internacional nas intervenções armadas. Entretanto, considerando-se os aspectos puramente teóricos, parece que os princípios operacionais trazidos pela nova teoria são o grande diferencial em relação à clássica intervenção humanitária. O modus operandi dessas intervenções sempre foi alvo de fortes críticas: os excessos cometidos pelas tropas durante a ocupação, a falta de parâmetros para a ação das tropas multinacionais (com formação e orientação distintas), a desproporção do uso da força, fomentam debates sobre o distanciamento entre meios e fins em intervenções humanitárias. Ressalta-se que o elemento humano precisa estar presente em todos os momentos (preparatório, consecutório e posterior) da atuação militar. Afinal, somente quando esse elemento for de fato considerado haverá a convergência de meios e fins para um ponto comum: a proteção dos direitos humanos de cada um dos indivíduos que está no território do Estado que sofre a intervenção. Os homens que compõem os governos dos Estados fazem a diferença, aquecendo a razão fria do Estado, oportunizando ações solidárias e, dessa forma, viabilizando possibilidades distintas das propostas pelos mecanismos tradicionais de solução de conflitos. Frente à lógica do poder que rege as relações internacionais, resiste a vontade de muitos homens e mulheres, dentro dos governos, da academia, da sociedade civil, os quais empenham esforços para uma nova ordem mundial, apontando novos caminhos, novos espaços de solidariedade em meio a cenários de intervenção.

[pt] O objetivo desta dissertação é compreender o posicionamento brasileiro perante a norma internacional relacionada a intervenções humanitárias. Para tanto, o presente trabalho faz uso das contribuições da teoria construtivista de Relações Internacionais, orientada por normas que analisam o envolvimento brasileiro na atual Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti (MINUSTAH). O envolvimento brasileiro é entendido a partir da análise da evolução da norma de intervenção e do contexto normativo regional em que o Brasil está inserido. A hipótese defendida é a de que dois aspectos são fundamentais para se entender o envolvimento brasileiro no Haiti: i) a formulação da resposta à crise haitiana de 2004 como uma resposta regional, na qual os países latino-americanos, principalmente os do Cone Sul da América do Sul, exercem um papel de protagonista; ii) a contextualização da resposta brasileira à crise haitiana nos moldes de uma obrigação ético-moral do país, baseada na solidariedade hemisférica e vinculada ao reconhecimento de uma herança cultural comum por meio do princípio da não indiferença. A conclusão sugerida é de que o envolvimento dos países sul-americanos na MINUSTAH faz parte do esforço brasileiro de fortalecimento da América do Sul, e que, além disso, o interesse nacional não é imutável, mas socialmente construído, podendo incluir uma preocupação com a proteção dos direitos humanos de indivíduos localizados além das fronteiras do Estado brasileiro. / [en] The purpose of this dissertation is to understand the Brazilian position regarding the international norm on humanitarian intervention. In order to achieve this objective, the norm oriented constructivist theory of International Relations will be applied in the analysis of the current Brazilian involvement in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). The Brazilian involvement is understood from the perspective of the evolution of the international norm on intervention but also taking into consideration the regional normative context. The hypothesis developed in this dissertation identifies two aspects as fundamental for the understanding of the Brazilian involvement in Haiti: first, the framing of the response to the Haitian crisis of 2004 as a regional response, in which Latin American countries, particularly those of the Southern Cone, have taken the leading role; second, the framing of the Brazilian response as guided by an ethical and moral obligation, based on the idea of hemispheric solidarity and on the recognition that both countries share a common cultural heritage, which leads to the principle of non-indifference. Our conclusion suggests that the current South American involvement in MINUSTAH is part of a Brazilian project of strengthening South America, and also that a country’s national interest is not immutable, but socially constructed, and as such it can include a concern for the protection of human rights of those located outside Brazilian borders.

This thesis examines and compares the humanitarian interventions in Kosovo, Libya and Somalia. The purpose of this study is to examine if the presence of strong tribal structures within a nation can increase the risk of terrorist activities, and subsequently contribute to a failed state following a humanitarian intervention. By applying a theory on tribes and critical terrorism studies, this thesis argues that policymakers might underestimate the significance of tribal structure within a state, before intervening. With Mills method of concomitant variation, this thesis has examined and compared the leadership, interventions, radical presence, and tribal structures of Kosovo, Libya and Somalia. This thesis has also examined if interventions can increase radicalism. The result from the analysis shows us that the presence of strong tribal structures can increase the terrorist activities and subsequently contribute to a failed state. Humanitarian intervention can further lengthen the weak state apparatus if the external actors neglect of the local structures of a state.

The thesis covers foreign military interventions in Somalia (1992-1995) and former Yugoslavia (1999). First, the definition of the humanitarian intervention is presented as well as factors influencing the success of intervention. Then both cases are analysed using the factors defined earlier. The success of the intervention is sought in two realms. First, whether the relevant case corresponds with the definition of the humanitarian intervention. Second, whether the aims set at the beginning of the intervention were achieved. According to the author the intervention in Somalia did not succeed, although it had better prospects to achieve the aims than the bombing of Yugoslavia at first sight. The Kosovo case was, on the contrary, a successful humanitarian intervention, although it was a very controversial example of the use of military force.

The master thesis on the topic Why do states decide for or against the intervention in other states? Case Study: Libya and Syria is focused on analysing the motives of states, which are crucial for deciding to intervene or not to intervene in the territory of a foreign state. The whole issue is assessed from the perspective of two major theories of international relations - liberalism and realism. As the first research case was chosen the international community's intervention in Libya in 2011. The case was analysed from the perspective of Sweden, which took part in the operation by the deployment of eight fighters Jas 39 Gripen. As the second case was chosen the civil war in Syria, which has been underway since 2011 and whose situation would have required similar interference by the international community. However, this has not happen until that time, although the states are militarily involved in Syria. This case was analysed from the view of Russia, which did not take part in operation in Libya, but since September 2015 has been involved in fighting on the ground in Syria. As a last case was chosen Great Britain, which has militarily participated in both conflicts. For the analysis itself was used Ortega's typology of interventions, which was adapted for the purpose of this work. The different...

Student Number : 0400454M - MA research report - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / The debate about the legality and legitimacy of third party intervention in the “domestic” affairs of sovereign states has been ongoing. This research focuses on the intervention by Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in the Sierra Leone conflict. The research inquires into the legality and legitimacy of the intervention, against the backdrop of existing international law prohibition on the use of force, and the principle of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of sovereign states. An analysis of the emerging trend of humanitarian intervention and the current emphasis on human security is made in order to determine whether the intervention in Sierra Leone fits into this paradigm. While acknowledging the importance of states in international relations, this study inquires into the shift of security from “state centric” to “people centric”. This study makes a case for sustained efforts in the area of intervention on humanitarian grounds. It further argues that regional organizations should have a pre-emption right to intervene in conflicts that affect their regions of influence. However, the study also recognizes that this concept might be subject to abuse by powerful nations if not well managed. The study therefore recommends the importance of a well articulated framework that will serve as a standard for future interventions.